


UBRARY OF CONGRESS 



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A DISCOURSE 



PRONOUNCED AT 



THE CAPITOL OF THE UNITED STATES, 



HALL OF REPRESENTATIVES, 



BEFORE THE 



AMERICAN HISTORICAL SOCIETY, 



SECOND ANNUAL MEETING, 
JANUARY 20, 1837, 

BY THE HON. LEVI WOODBURY, 

A MEMBER OF THE SOCIETY. 



WASHINGTON: 

PRINTED BY PETER FORCE. 

1837. 



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Sir : Washington, January 21, 1837. 

I am charged by the American Historical Society with the agreeable 
duty of presenting their Vote of Thanks, herewith enclosed, for the eloquent, 
interesting, and truly American Discourse delivered before them by you last 
evening, and to request the favor of a copy for publication. 
I am, with great respect. 

Your most obedient servant, 

V. MAXCY. 
To the Hon. Levi Woodbury, 

Washington. 



American Historical Society, 

January 20, 1837. 
Resolved, That the Thanks of the Society be presented to the Hon. Levi 
Woodbury for the eloquent, interesting, and truly American Discourse deli- 
vered before the Society in the Hall of the House of Representatives this 
evening. 

Resolved, That Virgil Maxcy, Esq., present to the Hon. Levi Wosdbury 
the Vote of Thanks of the Society, and ask of him a copy of bis.Discourso 
for publication. 

Extract from the minutes : 

H. M. MORFIT, Rec. Secretary. 



Sir : Washington, January 23, 1837. 

In reply to the request of the American Historical Society for a copy 
of my recent Discourse before them, communicated by you in so flattering a 
manner, I place it at your disposal ; with much regret, however, that leisure 
has not been enjoyed to make it more worthy the kindness evinced by the 
Society. 

I am, sir, very respectfully. 

Your obedient servant, 

LEVI WOODBURY. 
ViRGiL Maxcy, Esq., Washington. 



DISCOURSE. 



Mt remarks this evening will be more particularly addressed 
to the members of the "American Historical Society," who 
compose a part of this respectable audience. 

The objects of that Society, as announced in its Constitution, 
are, " to discover, procure, and preserve whatever may relate to 
the natural, civil, literary, and ecclesiastical history of America 
in general, and of the United States in particular." 

It is worthy of notice that these objects, so very important and 
interesting, are wisely made to embrace a range much wider 
than the usual topics of history. 

The record merely of battles and changes in dynasties, or a 
series of chronological tables of all remarkable events, and which 
constitute the most general idea of the design of history, would, 
in the brief as well as republican career of the United States, 
be literally the '' short and simple annals of the poor." Not 
much would be gained by adding to those the pittance, which in 
these respects is known of the rest of America, — a continent 
discovered but little more than three out of nearly the sixty 
centuries which have elapsed since the creation of mankind, 
and whose population, when not barbarous, has been much dis- 
persed, comparatively few in numbers, and seldom devoted to 
undertakings of great novelty or splendor. But, if we enlarge 
our views, as becomes the elevated position of this society, rais- 
ing and extending researches from records of important occurren- 
ces to the true use or dignity of history — the causes and conse- 
quences of those occurrences, and to every thing having a mate- 
rial bearmg on man here in his social relations, whether natural, 
civil, religious, or literary, in their broadest senses, and we have 
before us inquiries of a noble and most attractive character, — 
sufficient also in number to engross the leisure which any or all 



of us are able to spare from the occupations of busy life, and 
ample enough in their scope to employ the severest industry, 
or tax the loftiest powers of analysis and judgment. It might 
be granted that naked historical facts may alone form one valu- 
able branch of attention, and that the mere " honest chronicler" 
can be useful in his sphere. Yet, unlike the ballad-singer and 
the bard who precede him in the early stages of society, to grat- 
ify the natural love of mankind for a knowledge of the past, he 
must, if discarding all that is fable, or embellishment, become 
very sterile, unpeople much of the poetic and legendary lore of 
his predecessors, reduce many marvellous events to a "plain, 
unvarnished tale," and, like an honest geographer as to the 
interior of Africa or New Holland, leave large, frequent, and 
provoking blanks. The only method of properly filling up such 
wastes in the history of a people recent in their origin, and 
absorbed chiefly in the arts and pursuits of peace, is that pro- 
posed in the constitution of our society. 

Without dwelling on the minutiae of the various inquiries thus 
contemplated, it certainly will be admitted to promise most 
usefulness, if we devote the chief attention of our association 
to those topics which, in its peculiar position, are most accessible 
and most appropriate. But, while our labors are principally 
dedicated in this manner, nothing of an historical character on 
American affairs, w'hich can be procured with ease, need be en- 
tirely neglected, however humble the document, or remote and 
apparently trivial in bearing. 

If its contents throw new light on the progress, powers, or 
resources of any State, it is immaterial, whether it be only a 
newspaper or manuscript, or relate only to the voyage of some 
hardy fisherman to throw the hook or harpoon in unexplored 
seas, or to the description of even the smallest insect which 
glitters in the sunbeam; the shell whose couch is the " blue and 
boundless sea;" the ore, that sleeps beneath the mountain's side ; 
or the plant, whose leaf is sometimes the shroud as well as food 
for both man and the worm. Strange as it may seem to some, 
without due reflection, if, singling out our first illustration, they 
.might find that a thorough knowledge of the most diminutive of 



the animal creation, its habits and history, may illustrate some 
of the most striking changes in the industry and comforts of a 
numerous population. Like that of the Hessian fly, for instance, 
it might enable large sections of our country to avert its ravages 
on the great staff of life, and yearly save millions of property 
from ruin ; or, like that of the ship worm, may assist us to protect 
valuable portions of our navigation from premature decay ; or, 
like the cochineal and silk-worm, originate new articles of aid 
in manufactures or of lucrative commerce. 

A more accurate acquaintance with the signs of valuable 
minerals may also change the prosperity of whole States, by 
leading to the discoveries of lead, coal, iron, and salt, or more 
attractive but less useful gold. This has been evinced in our 
own day, within our own boundaries; and the qualities of a new 
vegetable, better ascertained or more fully employed, like those 
of tea or coffee, the cane, the hop, or cotton, may revolutionize 
the pursuits of a large territory, and carry wealth and refinement 
as well as comfort into the former abodes of poverty and wretch- 
edness. (Note A.) 

But, at this time, passing by the further particulars of inquiries 
like these, though your researches as an historical society ought 
not entirely to overlook any of the various tenants and products 
as well as qualities and peculiarities of our earth, sea, and air, 
encouraging the study of nature, and cheering forward our Au- 
dubons, Nuttalls, and Featherstonhaughs, to explore her secret 
haunts in her rudest and wildest retreats ; and passing by the 
history of all the neighbouring nations, colonies, and islands 
within the limits of the Western hemisphere, though affording 
much useful matter for warning, and some for imitation, it seems 
more suitable for us to give precedence to those historical re- 
searches which are more immediately connected with the pecu- 
liar position of our society at the capital of these still happy and 
united States. Fortunately, we are established not only at the 
seat of their General Government, but not remote from the 
great marts of commerce; surrounded, at no inconvenient dis- 
tances, with extensive libraries and flourishing literary institu- 
tions ; near the centre between the northern and southern frontier 



8 

of our extended Union, as well as at the real centre of intercom- 
munication for foreigners of distinction, and for the army, navy, 
legislators, judiciary, and travellers of every grade and character. 
Hence, the opportunity enjoyed here which is greatest, and 
which should be first and most sedulously improved, is to render 
complete the history of our own Government, in all its general 
operations under our present constitution. Here are the records, 
and the most ready access to correspondence, in connection with 
so cardinal an object. Much has been already done in several 
publications in this city to throw light on the formation of the 
existing system as well as on the official proceedings under the 
old confederation which preceded it. No small gratitude is due 
to several now within sound of my voice, for their laudable 
exertions to enlighten the present generation, on the ability and 
untiring patriotism displayed in the legislation, diplomacy, and 
wars, not only of the Revolution but the few years immediately 
succeeding. (Note B.) 

But, if we duly cherish our own reputation, and aspire to meet 
the just expectations of the rest of the Union, we ought to 
exhaust every remaining source of historical illustration on such 
important points. Further and without doubt successful efforts 
can be made to exhibit the true causes and consequences of the 
leading measures of that age of trial, and to give to the interesting 
events which have followed, under the General Government, even 
to the present times, their true "form and pressure." On this 
point much is justly expected from the manuscripts of the vene- 
rated Madison, whose immediate, elevated, and long agency in 
those political scenes, gave him opportunities of knowledge pos- 
sessed by few, if any others. Considering the violent party agita- 
tions which have prevailed during most of that period ; the history 
of it, if left to accident or prejudice ; to only single-handed effort, 
one-sided knowledge, and one-eared justice ; to the mere passions 
of the moment, or the calumnies, colourings, and distortions of the 
day ; other nations would be led to form very unfavorable views 
of the character and tendencies of our Government, and pos- 
terity would be tempted most unjustly to beheve, but for the 
host of blessings transmitted to them, that their fathers were 



little better than the "convicts" they have so often been called 
in reproach by some of their worthless libellers. 

Let it then become a prominent part of our duty as members 
of this society, to strip from the statue of Truth all such mere- 
tricious and false disguises. Let it not be said of us, when in- 
quirers for facts, as Aristophanes describes the Athenians, 

♦' No matter what the offence, 

" Be't great or small, 

"The cry is tyranny, conspiracy." 

But, when we enter the sacred temple of History, let us put 
off the partisan of the day, whether in religion or politics, as 
well as discard our favorite theories of philosophy and political 
economy, and seek faithfully to do justice to the most calum- 
niated. 

Let us strive to correct mistakes in fact ; remove eiTors in 
opinion ; preserve important discoveries and arts from perversion 
or loss ; illustrate the dark and doubtful in character, and preserve 
from the corroding tooth of Time every thing among us which 
may be useful and honorable to the land of our birth and adop- 
tion as well as to the human race. In this last undertaking, 
acting in some degree as impartial judges on the bench of pos- 
terity, we should investigate with ermine unsoiled, and with all 
those lofty attributes worthy the goddess who holds the equal 
scales among mortals. 

Hence our scrutiny cannot be pushed too wide or too far. 
We must take neither Catholic nor Protestant accounts of reli- 
gious events, neither federal nor republican views of political 
measures and motives, without due allowance for prejudice, and 
due comparisons of probabilities and conflicting testimonials. 
In fine, we should hold the mirror up to facts and nature alone, 
and invoke every just and honorable feeling to aid us in judg- 
ment on the long array of the past. 

The particular topics of inquiry in this branch of our history 
are so numerous that, notwithstanding their interest to many, the 
fear of being tedious must prevent me from presenting a special 
enumeration of them. (Note C.) 

The next most appropriate object of research, and which is 



10 

intimately connected with the other as a ramification of it, would 
be the progress of our foreign relations, whether on this or the 
Eastern continent. All the archives in relation to them are 
peculiarly connected with the capital of the Union, and the means 
afforded here for the correction of errors, by intercourse with 
the distinguished representatives of other Powers, or by corres- 
pondence at home and abroad with persons able to communicate 
valuable information, are unequalled. 

United with this are extraordinary facilities for throwing more 
light on our early history while dependent on some of those 
Powers, and of drawing from their official records, through their 
courteousness and liberality, much that may be useful, not only 
in respect to our general concerns, but the local annals of vari- 
ous States on this continent, of whatever foreiirn origin. 

To all these could be very appropriately added, at this central 
point, collections of specimens in botany, mineralogy, and con- 
chology, as well as in several other branches of natural history. 
Our treasures of marl and of lime, from shells and stones, which 
may thus be explored and flung open to profitable use in agri- 
culture and the arts, are probably unrivalled. 

The whole range of Indian history, and the illustration of it 
by their relics and traditions, come likewise most naturally with- 
in our appropriate province, situated at the centre of the civil 
control over Indian concerns, and at the common point of resort 
and intercommunication for every important tribe. 

What was the origin of these numerous tenants of our forests? 
What were once their arts ? What do their overgrown mounds 
and scattered fragments of ruined cities, their romantic traditions, 
and, among the wildest, some recently given to the world by the 
enterprising Callln — what do these and the hidden lore in their 
singular languages and scattered hieroglyphics and paintings 
indicate? What do their historical wampums — their mysterious 
quipos or Peruvian knots develop to the patient inquirer ? 

What do they all teach of their destinies in by-gone times, 
when they had neither well-balanced government nor the art of 
printing to preserve the annals and grandeur of their various 
careers ? 



n 

What disasters drove or what advantages tempted them to 
erect cities on heights of the Andes, above the tops of the 
loftiest mountains in our own regions? When and what earth- 
quakes or other physical convulsions, by winds and tides, may 
have separated this great continent from Europe, Asia, or Africa ? 
What false or bloody religions may have depressed and deluded 
them ? What inscrutable doom has hung and still hangs over their 
decay and dispersion ? 

Such inquiries as these, if less useful to provide historical 
materials to advance the prosperity of this and future ages, are 
yet objects of liberal curiosity, and debts of gratitude and jus- 
tice, if not of atonement, in some cases, due to the races which 
preceded us in these fair and fertile regions. Amid the atrocities 
almost inseparable from the condition of savage life, those races 
frequently displayed great hospitality and heroic devotion to our 
fathers. Their history, thus far, has been too often written only 
by enemies ; and when, as sometimes is the fact, the authors 
were smarting under their barbarities, frankness requires us to 
admit that they have occasionally proved unjust if not vindictive. 

If King Philip, the great Sachem of Pokanoket, could have 
stood on the summit of Mount Hope and stretched his eyes over 
the rich rivers and beautiful bays of his Narraganset dominions, 
and not have sighed at abandoning them, nor amid stifled regrets 
and pangs at parting, have fought to defend them, he would 
have been unworthy his station, and have justly deserved the 
execrations of history. 

We, ourselves, may yet learn useful admonitions from the 
annals of even such savage examples, if well considered ; and 
be proud while lamenting, as we ought, their ignorance, supersti- 
tions, and cruelty, if we, when menaced by invasion from abroad, 
or by intestine divisions at home, may be able to imitate the ex- 
hortations and sacrifices to union, the bravery and prudence, if 
not, in some respects, lofty patriotism of such men as Philip and 
Tecumseh ! 

But my main purpose on the present occasion is to advert 
more fully to some of the deductions and influences to be de- 
rived from historical researches like those previously alluded to, 



12 

and pursued, with tlie spirit enjoined, into the true character of 
American affairs in general, and especially of our own Govern- 
ment and people. The lessons of wisdom which our annals, 
when rightly read, are thus inculcating, constitute their most 
conspicuous excellence. 

It is thus that history becomes the useful schoolmaster of 
every age. Its pupils are the living — its lessons the monuments 
of the dead, in the record of their principles and their deeds. 
Their virtues are held up for adoption ; their vices for abhorrence; 
their errors for correction and warning ; their glory in arts or 
arms, in literature, in the sciences, or government, for admiration 
and useful emulation. 

What then has been the peculiar influence of the events 
which have transpired here since Columbus daringly turned the 
prow of his vessel into an unknown ocean, and first beheld the 
shores of a new world darkening the horizon ? Or even since 
the pilgrim fathers stepped on the rocky beach of the East ? Or 
the chivalrous Smith landed at Jamestown, surrounded by a new 
and admiring race ? 

What has been the result on America itself? What on Eu- 
rope ? What on the world at large ? 

In tracing these inquiries into minute details, it is useful to 
seek all which has been disclosed that is important as to com- 
merce and the arts, or letters and arms, and the various and 
splendid works of nature, as well as human rights and govern- 
ment, and the last and best hopes of man in religion and the 
future improvement of our race. In brief, we may ask. What 
does history teach us has been the true philosophy of the whole? 

By the discovery of a continent, before unknown, there burst 
upon the numerous races inhabiting its forests, the knowledge, 
so marvellous to their untutored minds, of the existence of the 
Eastern hemisphere, and of a people whose civilization made 
them appear at first to be demi-gods. This was soon followed 
by some faint conception of the useful character of the reviving 
letters, as well as of a religion, calculated, one would have 
supposed, if properly diffused, not to lead to the extirpation, 
conquest, or degradation of the aborigines, but rather to their 



13 

elevation to all which might rival the loftiest and best in the 
old world. 

It might at that crisis have been fairly hoped that the change 
on the Indians themselves would have been more salutary and 
glorious than even on the Europeans. But, notwithstanding the 
brilliant visions which illuminated their horizon, history has blast- 
ed almost every fond anticipation indulged, and has presented the 
destinies of the former inhabitants of the new continent under 
almost one indiscriminate and total eclipse. It is true that Eliot 
and "the good Las Casas" early preached the cross of Christ 
among them. A Brainard and others have since perished in the 
cause of Indian reform, burning with enthusiasm to cast down 
their false gods. Schools have been sometimes established among 
them ; agriculture and the arts often encouraged. But a deso- 
lating blight seems to have spread over the whole native race, 
crushing the expectations of the philanthropist, saddening the 
heart of the Christian, and almost extinguishing further hopes of 
great benefits from those exertions which a sense of duty and the 
calls of humanity still prompt us to persevere in making. 

Mortifying as this has been to the pride of more enlightened 
human reason, and a purer religion, engaged in the civilization of 
the savages, it is almost equally mortifying that few can agree 
about the principal causes of these repeated failures. Probably 
they have been many and various, (note D,) but the discussion 
of them would occupy much space ; and, amid all the errors and 
wrongs as well as commendable efforts of two or three centuries 
on this lamentable subject, the only useful deduction from their 
history which time will now permit me to notice, is, that before 
any thing permanently beneficial can be effected for them, above 
all, and beyond all, must they be induced to co-operate together, 
and, burying former animosities and revenges, to unite heartily 
as one people, in all the great general relations of society. 

This alone will afford leisure, taste, and resources for real civi- 
lization. They have long been a living monument, we will not 
say of the judgments of Heaven, but certainly of the folly conse- 
quent on divisions among the same race into paltry tribes, and 
like most of the clans of olden time, wasting their mutual means 



14 

and energies in mfftual aggression, instead of finding leisure or 
cherishing propensities for the pursuits of peace and national 
improvement. 

Perhaps, in the wisdom of Providence, they have in this 
respect been designed as beacons to warn us from the paths of 
division and ruin ; and the best philosophy of their history to us, 
and the most useful lesson to be extracted from it for them, is 
probably the importance, not only of suitable education in arts 
as well as in letters, but of union in governments, and union in 
efforts for common prosperity, rather than a blind indulgence in 
jealousies of each other, and a preseverance equally relentless 
and fatal in border hostilities ? 

But, leaving the influence of Europe upon the original inhabi- 
tants of America, their past fortunes, as well as future prospects, 
what weal or wo does history prove that the discovery of this 
country has in return been the means of conferring on the rest 
of mankind. 

It would be extremely difficult to calculate with accuracy 
either the stimulus or expansion given to the human mind 
wherever civilization prevailed, by only the announcement of 
the ascertained existence of a new world. Imagination had be- 
fore painted some Islands in the blue West, like the Atlantides of 
Plato ! Tradition, in the North, if not history, had also spoken 
of Greenland, and such emigrations as that of Madock from 
Wales, to regions remote and unknown. 

Notwithstanding the denunciations of the Vatican, astronomy 
too had dared to speculate on the formation and character of the 
earth as a planet, so as to fill such souls as Columbus with 
enthusiasm for the search of new continents, or new routes to 
older and distant kingdoms. But now fancy, fable, hypothesis, 
tradition, were all to be lost in a glorious and astounding reality ! 
A new world, vast in extent, abundant in population, and gor- 
geous with fertility and gold, was laid open to the admiring eyes 
of the Eastern hemisphere ! What rich themes for the historian ! 
What a range for the geographer, naturalist, and adventurer ! 
What visions for the poet ! What fresh incentives and materials 
for commerce ! What a theatre for the philanthropist ! 



15 

In the more rapid revival of literature and wonderful extension 
of foreign trade, but still more in the progress of wealth and 
intelligence among the lower classes, as well as of political rights, 
and a reformed religion over considerable portions of Europe, 
since that magnificent discovery, no doubt exists that much is 
justly to be ascribed to the influences derived from that remarka- 
ble event. Especially must it be so if coupled with the subse- 
quent exploration and settlement of America, thus including her 
bright example since, as well as her strong impulses at first. 

Beside the general expansion, influences, and impulses thus 
imparted almost every where and to every subject or pursuit, 
many important articles of commerce were flung open to the 
Eastern world, and some useful seeds, plants, and animals were 
transferred to improve and enrich the great discoverers. 

A single American vegetable, the humble potato, has alone 
more than repaid Europe, in real wealth and comfort, for all the 
expenses of the discovery, and seems destined to prove a greater 
blessing to mankind than the whole of the precious ores, which 
attracted so strongly the first voyagers, or which have since 
been drawn from the prolific mines of the South. 

But, such topics sink in importance before those improvements 
in the civil and political condition of mankind which have be- 
come the great characteristic as well as glory of this Western 
hemisphere. Certain it is, that, from the first visit to its shores, 
or, at all events, from the earliest durable occupation of the ter- 
ritory which now composes these United States, America was 
regarded by many as peculiar in its destinies, in connexion with 
the governments east of the Atlantic, and as fitted, from its dis- 
tance, attractions, and resources, if not in time to react upon 
and regenerate Europe itself, at least to drain it of some of its 
most useful population, and become the asylum of the perse- 
cuted and oppressed of all nations. 

Whatever may have been the comparative physical powers of 
its native inhabitants, and whether its vast territory, mountains, 
rivers, and lakes — its condors and mammoths — were diminutive, 
and hence, as Buffbn and some others supposed, the European 
jriian was likely to degenerate here, it is hardly necessary at this 



16 

day to discuss. Notwithstanding any such impressions then, this 
country soon became, not only a refuge for the distressed, whe- 
ther driven into exile by the ordinary calamities of social life, or 
by fanaticism, bigotry, and intolerance in religion, or by the vin- 
dictive bitterness of political hostility, but the chosen abode of 
myriads of the best and bravest spirits of that chivalrous age. 
In taunts, by our defamers, we have since been often vilified as 
a " colony of outcasts," whose " Adam and Eve emigrated from 
Newgate." But, yielding that a very few, as in all new countries 
may sometimes have " strayed in error's path," yet, the great 
mass emigrating hither are well known to have been the enlight- 
ened and patriotic — such men as " know their rights, and knowing 
dare maintain ;" having equal readiness and fitness in both body 
and mind to encounter the perils of inclement seas, frozen 
shores, and ferocious savages, rather than submit longer to the 
endurance of the bitter oppressions inflicted on them in Europe 
by the parasites of power and the tyrants who upheld them. 

In brief, as history has amply shown by their wonderful suc- 
cess, they were men suited not only at first to subdue a wilder- 
ness and cope triumphantly with barbarians, but afterwards to 
wage a victorious struggle with bigotry, persecution, and usurpa- 
tion, from their former homes. It is true, and their descendants 
have never otherwise pretended, that not many of them were 
devotees of the fine arts, or the fashionable, or the titled, from the 
purlieus of St. James's or Versailles. Without derogating from 
the proper merits of any of these classes in their proper spheres, 
or under other political systems, our ancestors are conceded to 
have been mostly homines res agendce, — men truly fitted and 
thoroughly devoted to the practical affairs of life. But it must 
not be forgotten that they were, at the same time, men intelli- 
gent and intrepid in matters of government and religion, as well 
as in ordinary business ; and being so, that they were such men 
as ought to, and will, by their unconquerable constancy and skill, 
not only advance their fortunes and foil opposition, but virtually 
govern the world, whenever the world is enlightened, moral, 
and free. 

They will do this, not because ambitious and designing, but 



17 

because best qualified to defend the hearth and the altar when in 
jeopardy, and, by useful arts and honest industry as well as by 
arms, to build great and prosperous communities. Like The- 
mistocles, they and many of their descendants could proudly say, 
" I am unable to play on the flute, but I know how to make a 
large state from a small one." Humble as some of their general 
traits of character may appear to many, the history of passing 
events, as well as of the past, shows that their labors have not 
been lost on Europe any more than on America, and that, by 
means of them the latter has gradually become not only the 
land of plenty, but of promise, to large portions of the other 
empires of the earth. 

From Cromwell and Hampden, who attempted in vain to 
emigrate hither ; and from Locke and Berkeley, who generously 
labored to improve our institutions, as well as from the numbers, 
whether Independents, Huguenots, or Catholics, who, undaunted, 
actually encountered every physical suffering to escape from 
what were considered worse evils at home of a religious and 
political character — from their whole heroic efforts, sacrifices, and 
triumphs, a spirit or a change in society has moved over the face 
of this great continent, and at last recrossed the Atlantic. 

It is now pervading the best parts of the old world, and though, 
since the discovery of America, it has been much assisted by 
lessons derived from antiquity, and much by the arts, and princi- 
ples, of several modern nations in Western Europe, calculated to 
renovate and improve, yet this great change has been more 
emphatically and immediately the result of exertions, experi- 
ments, and example here. 

This spirit or change relates chiefly to the wider diffusion of 
civil and religious hberty. 

The peculiar teachings of our history consist chiefly in point- 
ing out the causes and preservatives of this spirit, its peculiari- 
ties, its proper limitations and guards, its consequences in benefits 
and glories, its perils, securities, and hopes ! 

A few words as to some of its causes. When we look back 
to the great experiment which has been moving onward here for 
two centuries, it is at once discovered that little of our success 
3 



18 

has depended on physical advantages. The Southern portions 
of this continent have exhibited as mighty rivers, as fertile plains, 
and lofty mountains, and genial climates, as in the North and 
West ; and, without wishing to draw comparisons either invidious 
or derof^atory, we are forced to trace the differences of progress 
in arts, power, and government, to much higher sources. 

In truth, the causes of the great changes now under consider- 
ation have been imbedded much deeper in mind than in matter, 
and been accompanied by some of the most remarkable moral 
phenomena since the creation. 

The condition of many of the first settlers here led them at 
once to commence, if it did not impose on them the necessity of 
a thorough course of training for self-government. Hence, most 
of their rulers were, from the first, voluntarily chosen, and it was 
not till some stability in business and progress in wealth were 
attained, chiefly by their own exertions, that many of the colonial 
establishments were deemed of sufficient importance to tempt 
from abroad the interference of much regulation, domination, and 
persecution, in the shape of government. But the neglected 
condition of the first establishments ; the daring character of the 
early emigrants; their habits of self-possession and self-legis- 
lation for most exigencies ; the entire freedom of thought, 
feeling and opinions they gradually cherished, and the feebleness 
of delegated power when imposed from so great a distance as 
Europe, kept up a constant education for independence, which 
must, without any temerity, or a tax on tea, or the odium of 
stamp duties, have been consummated on some other early 
occasion, whenever sufficient strength and numbers were ob- 
tained, and any slight provocation occurred to cause an explo- 
sion. " Coming events" had for some time " cast their shadow 
before." Their institutions and habits had made men bold, but 
not bad ; hardy, intelligent, equal, plain-dealing, and just, though 
enterprising and shrewd ; had promoted the employment of the 
faculties in useful action rather than the embellishment of them, 
and had reared gallant soldiers, intelligent farmers, industrious 
and scientific mechanics, and practical lawyers for leaders, rather 
than mere scholars, or only the sometimes weak inheritors of 
office. 



19 

Such leaders, too, were not simply the Brutuses or Catos of 
antiquity, but they were the compatriots of multitudes imbued 
like themselves with greater useful knowledge, with a higher 
code of morals and purer religion, and with faculties sharpened 
and strengthened by the experience in government and improve- 
ment in arts of two thousand more years. 

The institutions established, as well as the principles cherished, 
all, therefore, tended to a new, radical, and great result. Unlike 
most other people in tlieir origin, they experienced here no long 
infancy of ignorance, or barbarism, but at once started into being, 
elevated by and enjoying the aid of all the useful improvements 
as well as learning and morals of the most civilized nations of the 
known world. 

It is manifest, likewise, that they brought with them, early as 
on board the May Flower, or late as the arrival of Penn, the 
elements of future resistance to every species of tyranny over 
the human mind. Though some of their views were yet crude, 
and, as might be expected, all the rights of man were not so 
well understood as after the struggles and popular victories of 
two more centuries; still, the stern resolve to be no longer " a 
mere shadow of what others say and do," in either politics, reli- 
gion, or manners, had distinctly appeared in the very causes of 
the emigration of most of them. The increasing wealth, as well 
as education and rights of the lower classes in portions of Europe, 
had previously, though gradually, been developing there for one 
or two centuries, under every species of thraldom from official 
opposition in most of her monarchical government?. A settle- 
ment in America presented not only an asylum to those classes 
when wronged, whether persecuted for opinion or cloven down 
in some contest for freedom at home, but a theatre on which 
their theoretic views of liberty of conscience, and equal rights, 
removed so far from the strong arm of despotic power, would 
sooner be allowed a fair trial, without incurring the danger of 
martyrdom, or of perishing on the scaffold with such men a:. 
Sidney, Russel, and Vane. It was more distant, also, from the 
blandishments, the wiles, and the seductive appliances of a court, 
and was soon surrounded and sustained chiefly by spirits of a 



20 

kindred training with tlieir own. But, witliout dwelling longer 
on such details, the general features of our whole history previous 
to the Revolution, evince that America, besides being a retreat 
for the persecuted, was regarded at first and to the last as a 
favored abode of the hardy and industrious, and the peculiar 
resort, not of dignitaries in church or state, or drones of any 
kind, but of those devoted to new enterprises and lucrative 
commerce, and who would dare to settle on a cold, inhospitable, 
and iron-bound coast, as readily as on the sunny and fertile 
banks of the Delaware, the Savannah, or the Mississippi, if 
they could but plant quiet and free homes among the snow and 
granite, and fish up a profitable livelihood from the depths of the 
ocean — trap the beaver among his mountains and lakes, or hunt 
the whale with success at either the equator or the poles. In 
fine, whether at the North, the Centre, or the South, it was con- 
sidered the home, as it is now the glory chiefly of the middling 
and laborious classes. These classes, accustomed to rely on 
their own energies in private life, and smarting under taxation, 
intolerance, and monopolies, in their former abodes, aspired to 
breathe the freer air of some other region, where, though remote, 
unfriended, and solitary — though strangers at first, and environed 
by almost every species of peril, they might be governed in 
public life also, by their own judgments, as well as by their own 
interests and useful laws. Most of the emigrants, and their 
descendants, were likewise persons very equal in rank, business, 
property, and education, and such mainly as felt the strongest 
attachment to the great republican doctrines of liberty, as taught 
by the school of Harrington and Hampden. Above all, they 
were men deeply impressed with religious principle as a guide, 
and their constant efforts were to acquire for themselves, and 
transmit, unimpaired, to others, a full knowledge of their duties, 
no less than a full enjoyment of their rights and powers, as 
being free, enlightened, accountable, and immortal. In these 
last circumstances are concentrated two cardinal and conservative 
principles of their whole system. They are the principles which, 
fundamental in their nature, chiefly sustained them before, as well 
as during, the crisis of the great struggle for independence, and 



21 

which have since contributed most essentially to push forward 
GUI' country with such rapidity to its present unexampled condi- 
tion of prosperity. Those principles were the promotion and 
indispensable necessity, under their free institutions, of a high 
degree of practical education and sound morals. Without these, 
whatever other numerous advantages our ancestors possessed 
in their Saxon origin — their general equality — soils so exu- 
berant — fisheries so polific, and navigable waters so extensive, 
they either would have been incapable of self-government, from 
ignorance of the true extent of their rights and the proper safe- 
guards for them by means of suitable Constitutions and laws ; or 
they would have become so impracticable, divided, and weak, as 
to have passed under a foreign yoke. Or they would have 
proved so unprincipled and craven as to have bartered the sub- 
stance for the shadow, and accepted, at the Revolution, if not 
chains, yet an unequal compromise with the parent country, for 
the aggrandizement of a few, which would have forever branded 
them with dishonor. Or since, as well as previously, they would, 
without just pretence, have made claims and resorted to ferocious 
outrages on individuals or feebler nations, from whatever cause 
obnoxious, which would have destroyed the confidence of the 
world in their integrity, and, if not leading to counter revolutions 
or restorations, would probably have wrecked many of their 
most valuable institutions. But, elevated and ameliorated by 
those principles, they were always men as different from Romulus 
and Remus, and their wolfish aggressions on the neighboring 
people, and from the Barbarossas of more modern eras, as were 
the Christian from the Pagan codes of morals, or the nature of 
the education of the Puritans from that of banditti and buc- 
caneers. 

Nor ever since (we may justly exult) has the spirit of plunder 
or conquest been allowed to stain a single page of our annals. 
On the contrary, we see every where, and in every thing, the 
astonishing results of that practical education, and those sound 
morals, operating on a people so fortunately situated. From the 
very outset it taught them the importance not only of free 
schools, libraries, and colleges, as means or instruments for ad- 



O'-y. 



vancement — but what precedes even them in time and utility — 
strict parental discipline at the fire-side, thorough acquisition of 
trades and professions, and the beneficial instructions of the 
pulpit and the forum. 

It taught them also to make actual experiments as well as im- 
provements on what had already been learned, or, in some sense, 
to combine study and practice, by mingling in the administration 
of justice as jurors ; exercising fearlessly the right of voting at the 
polls ; and all, or nearly all, taking a constant and legal, as well 
as large part in the management of those miniature republics, 
consisting of districts and towns, as well as in the disposal of 
county and state affairs. 

Their system of free-sciiools was generally one of the strong- 
est foundaiion-stones of the whole fabric ; and we can trace in 
their legislative records, the establishment of them as early as the 
first twenty -five years of their settlement. Most persons, though 
childless, wisely considered their property and persons so fully 
protected and benefited by the education of the children of 
others, as to make the tax for this purpose just and salutary. 
This system, in various ways, is believed to have since extended 
its ramifications or influences over most of the Union ; and 
though in some States yet unattempted in form, and in many yet 
deficient in attention to inculcate the elements of great moral and 
political truths as fully as a knowledge of mere letters, it has, 
with admirable retributive justice, called to its aid, in other 
States, all the taxes and penalties inflicted on the minor vices of 
society. (Note E.) 

But, besides these and much more of details connected with 
the origin and progress of elementary education here, and which 
however interesting, want of time compels me to omit, our his- 
tory exhibits a favorable change of late years on the subject of 
books of useful knowledge, in their greater cheapness and multi- 
plicity, as well as increased practical tendency. 

The libraries of this country, whether public or private, are 
also becoming larger and more valuable, and the progress of 
invention by stereotype printing, by improvements in the manu- 
facture of paper, and by steam presses, has contributed much to 



2:3 

facilitate the acquisition of knowledge, for both the ordinary and 
more select purposes of life. The daily press has thus become 
another most powerful auxiliary in teaching ; and the number of 
newspapers in America is computed to have increased so as to 
-be more than half as great as that which the wealth, popula- 
tion, and intelligence of the whole of Europe now circulate. 
While on some subjects all mankind feel and act much alike, our 
ancestors were wisely aware that a conventional mode of think- 
ing on others is often formed very early, and in great strength, 
by books and associates. 

Hence arose in part their great sagacity, foresight, and dili- 
gence in respect to early education ; and thus, while in the view 
of the unlettered Indian, we, as they did, by our system of edu- 
cation, spoil his children for the chase and the inclination for 
interminable and ferocious war, we shall, it is to be hoped, always 
continue by means of it to spoil our own children for most of 
the purposes of either sloth, slavery, or despotism ; and while, 
by proper elementary works, by competent teachers, and liberal 
pecuniary encouragement, we shall be able to point in every 
village school to such spoiled children as our Franklins and Han- 
cocks once were, a constant progress will be secured, as well in 
the useful arts of life as in the preservation and improvement of 
our liberties. 

In another branch of common instruction this country has 
advanced so far beyond most others, as to become a model for 
foreio-ners to examine and imitate. Thus, under the influence of 
just sentiments of humanity for even the lowest of our errmg 
race, some of the States, and many private associations, have 
pushed education, literary and religious, not only into the alms- 
house, but the very cell of the criminal— and while enuring the 
body to habits of useful industry and accustoming the appetites 
to temperance, it has been attempted to superadd hopes of 
durable reformation, by increasing the knowledge of the rights 
of others, and strengthening the sense of duty to respect these 
rights. The means of higher education have likewise long 
existed here, and of late been much enlarged, though, for 
reasons hereafter detailed, they have usually been deemed of 



24 

secondary importance. Our practical intelligence always taught 
us to rely on the skilful surgeon rather than the mechanic, for 
amputating a broken limb ; and though the mere literary classes 
have rather been regarded as the capital or ornament of the 
column than the column itself, which supports the social edifice, 
their labors have done much to solace, refine, and stimulate 
others, and often, as in the case of Davy and Napier, Black and 
Newton, have helped essentially to advance even the common 
arts and improvements of mankind. 

Sound learning and true liberty have thus justly been descri- 
bed as leaning on each other for support ; and if any tendency 
has ever been indulged here in public feeling towards any kind 
of monarchy, it has been as much the real, though unacknow- 
ledged monarchy of the learned professions and men of letters, as 
of the middling classes. The evident leaning, however, of the 
former class, has of late been, as they become more numerous, 
to spread wider among the latter, and to mingle more intimately 
with them, in practical studies and active pursuits, so as to begin 
to form rather a real republic of letters, more broad and equal, 
like our civil rights, and higher in the estimation of the whole 
community. All its members are thus more inclined to be, and 
to be acknowledged as actual ivorking men, in their appropriate 
spheres ; nor do most of them deem it at all derogatory to labor 
there quite as hard as those who guide the plough or wield the 
sledge and hammer. 

If it be asked why our history has not been more prolific in 
institutions well calculated to aid in attainments of the very high- 
est character in polite litei'ature and the severe sciences, and 
what have been the consequences on our national character, and 
the progress of society here ? we answer, that, without detracting 
at all from the utility of these pursuits, in proper circumstances, 
and by people of affluence or leisure, it must be manifest (and 
no American need blush at the acknowledgment) that the whole 
fabric of our political system has been, and still is, in respect to 
education, founded on the diffusion of elementary knowledge 
more widely among the people at large, rather than on the pro- 
motion of greater acquirements within narrow limits. It seeks 



25 

likewise, to bring information immediately useful to every door, 
and to tempt all to listen and learn, rather than to carry what 
is abstruse or ornamental into the higher circles alone, or to 
encourage those pursuits which, by their elegance or refinement 
in taste, are calculated principally to amuse the learned or fash- 
ionable, or to employ the leisure of the wealthy in an old and 
dense population. 

This policy has been better suited to our youthful and equal 
institutions. It comported well with our condition in regard 
to the cultivation of vast and fertile regions of territory yet 
unimproved, and with a rapidly-increasing population, requiring 
first to be supplied with sound practical information on political 
rights and duties, with agricultural skill, and with manufactures 
and mechanic arts of prime necessity. Hence, though science, 
here as elsewhere, has more than once " walked the furrow with 
the consul swain," yet, in the first instance, and no astonishment 
need be entertained abroad at the fact, we have generally (and 
commendably) been much more eager to become good axemen, 
ploughmen, and swordsmen than mere book-men. We have 
been more ambitious in such a stage of our national career to fill 
the hive of industry with new swarms, ready to distil honey and 
defend it, rather than to consume it. AVhat have been some of 
the most striking consequences from this policy concerning edu- 
cation and equality of rights, as exhibited in our history, and 
more especially in later years ? The whole mind of society, 
instead of the intellects of a few, has thus been excited. We 
have, in one sense, fostered a levelling principle ; but it has been 
to level up, rather than down — by raising the low, rather than 
lowering the high. 

The general influence of such a system has been to promote 
utility, instead of ornament or display ; to ask the cui bono as to 
every project, private or public ; to advance the comforts rather 
than the luxuries of life ; to gratify the wants of the many rather 
than the caprices of the few ; to carry " plenty through a smiling 
land" to every fireside, rather than the means of voluptuousness 
to the rich alone ; to improve morals, school the feelings severe- 
ly, and respect the decencies of society, more than embellish 
4 



26 

manners ; to encourage simplicity of life, directness of purpose, 
and purity as well as manliness and inflexibility of conduct ; to 
strengthen rather than to polish, even at the risk sometimes of 
roughness, if not rudeness ; and in lieu of effeminacy or an ex- 
traordinary mass of mental acquirements, to promote decision of 
character, and secure to all the perfect knowledge and use of a 
few great and simple truths in politics, religion, and civil rights, 
so as in all respects to form useful, " high-minded men," instead 
of " starred and spangled courts." 

History shows that the public policy forced on us by the same 
salutary influences, has been to cultivate peace, commerce, and 
mutual benevolence with all nations, rather than to indulge in 
arms or conquest, and to rely on reason and justice for our rights 
more than on the arts of diplomacy or the ultima ratio regum. 
But, at the same time, we have done this without hazarding any 
unwise neglect of the latter, or declining a resort to force when 
required by honor or duty — reason before arms, but arms before 
disgrace. It shows, also, that though originally planted in most 
cases amidst idolatry and heathenism, we became, by the sur})as- 
sing excellence of our political systems, as far removed from the 
propagation, by Mahometan violence, of the divine tenets of the 
Bible, though anxious peacefully to send them for the conversion 
of all nations, as we are removed from the fierce Corsair spirit of 
plunder, or the lust of warlike empire, which have so often 
inflamed and devastated much of the earth. 

Hence have sprung our leisure, taste, and success in such 
numerous improvements in the arts of common life. In the best 
and widest pursuit of man, what various experiments on new 
seeds, crops, and dressings, on new farming-tools and new 
domestic animals, have penetrated almost every glade and moun- 
tain, and threaded almost every stream from the St. Croix to the 
Sabine ! 

Among the models which crowd our patent office — I should 
say which once crowded it — that pride and emblem of Ameri- 
can ingenuity whose recent loss we all deplore — the plough, the 
harrow, the threshing-machine, the winnowing-mill, the hoe, and 
the churn, with a myriad of other instruments, imnroved or 



27 

invented to facilitate the various operations of agricultural in- 
dustry, filled a large space, and showed strongly the practical 
tendency to absorb here so great a share of intellectual exertion, 
in the accomplishment of only useful results. How many have 
thus achieved in substance what Swift pronounced to be more 
praiseworthy than all the labors of mere politicians — the saluta- 
ry, if not splendid improvement, of making two blades of grass 
grow where only one grew before. 

The mechanic arts, as connected with agriculture and manu- 
factures, have also profited greatly by this general impulse of the 
public mind. It is true that many of the greatest changes in the 
machinery for spinning and weaving have originated elsewhere ; 
but they have been readily adopted, and much improved, in this 
country ; and, aided by the wonderful results from the cotton- 
gin, whose invention and merits are exclusively American, have 
caused an entire revolution in the household economy of many 
of the States, and studded thousands of our waterfalls with 
thrifty villages. Performing here, by machinery, in the cotton 
manufactory alone, what a century ago would have required the 
manual labor of at least twenty millions of people, we have with 
avidity seized not only on that but all other labor-saving inven- 
tions, and done our full share in bettering and increasing what 
has in various ways contributed nearly as much as the introduc- 
tion of printing, or gunpowder, to advance the wealth, comfort, 
intelligence, and consequent privileges of the middling classes 
among mankind. 

The daughters of the mechanic or farmer, by such results, are 
able to wear ornaments which royalty would once have envied, 
and by other discoveries and improvements of a recent date, are 
decked with laces from our own sea-island cottons, of which both 
the fineness and elegance exceed all, either known or fancied, by 
the Sapphos or Cornelias of antiquity. The same impulse has 
led us to push researches still more deeply into commercial 
enterprises with distant regions — whether to the Frozen ocean, 
" the furthest Ind," or the isles of the Pacific ; and whether to 
bring back rich returns for our ice and rocks in the East, or for 
the abundant staples of the South. But, above all, after devi- 



28 

sing numerous changes to facilitate intercourse at home by newly- 
planned bridges and improved roads and canals, this impulse has 
at last, as has been better said in substance elsewhere,* placed 
upon them and on navigable waters, not only fleeter and more 
capacious vehicles and vessels, but substituted for animal power 
and sails, through American as well as English perseverance and 
skill, an element which has outstripped the winds in speed, 
almost annihilated time and space, and seems destined to advance 
the progress of nearly every art which civilizes and enriches 
man. 

This new power has been taught, also, to enter the workshop 
and manufactory, as well as to course roads, rivers, and oceans — 
to speed the plough, the shuttle, and the spinning-wheel, as well 
as empty docks, excavate harbors, and plunge into the deepest 
mines. It is a curious historical fact that, though we are by 
some denied the merit of having first applied steam with success 
to navigation, and are confessedly a less numerous, less wealthy, 
less commercial, and less scientific people than our competitors 
for this great improvement, there are now upon our various 
waters more than six hundred steamboats to their four or five 
hundred, and, from the large size of many of our vessels, a 
greater excess in proportion of tonnage employed in steam navi- 
gation. By the frigate Fulton, we were first, also, to apply it 
to purposes of war, that great theatre where, perhaps, its greatest 
powers may yet be developed. By a singular combination of 
mechanical intelligence and skill, in several other instances we 
have converted philosophy into a means of security as well as 
wealth; and if Franklin, alone, had lived, and dared, as he 
dared, and drawn, as he drew, the lightning of heaven harmless 
from the clouds, it would have been an epoch in useful inventions 
and practical application of science to the safety of social life 
which alone would have immortalized the country of his birth. 

Why are these themes so exhilarating and so engrossing to an 

American ? Not that he is boastful of being the discoverer of 

more new powers than others, though he has succeeded in their 

application to more new and useful purposes, and which last, 

♦Edinburgh Review. 



29 

Lord Bacon considered as almost equally commendable, while it 
is manifestly quite as beneficial ; nor merely that he filled your 
patent office with more than ten thousand models of inventions 
and improvements — but that he has done those, and at the 
same time successfully introduced numberless others, without 
patents, and without hesitation, from a peculiar characteristic 
of our people, growing out of their wide-spread and practical 
education, evinced in their universal eagerness to better their 
condition — in their constant aspirations for advancement in the 
world — and in their readiness to adopt, at once, every advan- 
tage within their grasp, from regions however remote. Van- 
quishing all obstinate prejudices against novelty or innovation — 
existing too often still in benighted monarchies, and aided by the 
diversified origin of portions of our population, whether from the 
British Islands, the Rhine, or the Alps, the Seine, the Baltic, or 
the Tagus, our liberality and tolerating spirit have thus sought to 
extract and cherish every excellence from every climate and 
government, in every science and art. This flexibility of dispo- 
sition, without servilely aping the habits of any one nation, has 
contributed to convert the country into a sort of social Pantheon, 
to receive within its limits the professed advantages of all other 
people, and as recommended by the great author of the Novum 
Organum, to bring them all ad experimentum cruets. 

We are, in fact, the great laboratory of the world, to try 
every doubtful substance in the crucible. 

In this mode our progress in the useful arts as well as in gov- 
ernment, has been much accelerated, without serious political 
hazards or convulsions ; and our history has exhibited a feature 
from which still higher hopes of advancement among us here- 
after may, with propriety, be indulged. 

Seizing, readily, on all the treasures scattered through the 
records of the last six thousand years, or discovered and gleaned, 
from time to time, by our enterprising commerce in every habi- 
table quarter of the globe, we make the whole world, in some 
degree, tributary to our progress. We take our stoves and 
wooden pavements as quickly from Russia as our machinery 
from England. We drink our tea as agreeably coming from the 



30 

worshippers of the Grand Lama, on the opposite side of the 
globe, as if we brought it from Brazil ; and find our drugs as 
medicinal, and our figs as palatable from the Turk and the plains 
of Troy, as if they grew in Florida or Mexico. 

We have drawn likewise for supplies of national names and 
examples, on Pagan as well as Christian — ancient as well as 
modern — civilized and savage models, wherever we find any 
thing deemed worthy of imitation. We seek all — visit all — 
imitate all — trade with all. We only ask if benefits can be 
received or conferred. In declaring our independence of foreign 
control, we never regarded ourselves as independent of either 
the commerce, arts, or literature of the great commonwealth of 
all civilized people — nor independent, whether individually or 
collectively, of the duties of kindness and reciprocal interchange 
of advantages ; but rather independent of any political domina- 
tion not freely established by ourselves, independent in our sys- 
tems of legislation, independent in our modes of thought and 
action, and independent, as it becomes us always to be, as well 
as unmindful, of the frowns of the rest of the world, while con- 
vinced that, in the cause of conferring the greatest good on the 
greatest number, we are engaged in a cause which conscience 
approves, and pursue it by means to which reason and virtue 
have long given their sanction. But, conscious, from the spirit- 
ual principle within, when not debased, that " men would be 
angels," and are often rashly aspiring, one of the great excellen- 
cies in our progress has been its general caution and moderation, 
and its vigilance not to be misled by that ambitious and restless 
principle. Though aiming at almost every thing — attempting 
almost every thing — accomplishing almost every thing, practica- 
ble, yet we have still been regulated by the severe training be- 
fore alluded to — and have been restrained in most cases, however 
much has been said and speculated to the contrary, from wasting 
our resources and energies "on impracticable schemes, attracted 
merely by their splendor or novelty. Whether mere day dreams 
of speculators as to moneyed enterprises at home, or enthusiastic 
theories for new political crusades abroad have been urged upon 
us, we have generally looked in all things to the cardinal test of 



31 

utility and safety ; and, however the shore may be strewed with 
occasional wrecks, the great mass of society have not usually 
looked thus in vain. Trying if not exhausting most of all that 
has yet been discovered — gleaning from all the known world — we 
are now, by the Southern exploring expedition, if favorable op- 
portunities offer, about to push still further our researches into un- 
known latitudes — and if not adding to the treasures of science in 
perfecting the researches of astronomers, geographers, and na- 
turalists, at least to increase the extent and security of trade in old 
if not new channels — on old if not new objects — ^and to perform 
an act of justice to other nations in contributing our share to the 
laudable efforts hitherto made by a number of them in the great 
cause of discovery. At least we shall no longer be censured for 
holding back our common exertions, common contributions, and 
common sacrifices to advance the knowledge of the surface of 
the earth, and in that way to improve our species. (Note F.) 

This practical education, chastened and controlled as it has 
been in most cases by sound morals, has in fact rendered our 
history in many respects more like a picture of the imagination 
than a representation of real life, as man has existed in other 
ages and under different institutions. 

Far be it from me to be understood as supposing that there 
has been no new impulse imparted elsewhere to the arts, or to 
human rights since Vandal irruptions have ceased to overwhelm 
nations, and that no salutary progress is making abroad in ma- 
ny governments by means of improved commerce and better 
examples, in the increase of democratic principles — liberal ideas 
— useful inventions — or more widely diffused education. 

But my inquiries are limited, by the character of our society, 
solely to American history, and my claims in behalf of America 
or the United States in particular, are only to their striking 
influences or reactions on Europe itself — to their more rapid 
progress in improvements merely useful — to their more solid 
foundations of equal liberty and more liberal and concentrated 
application of all that exists elsewhere of practical profit and 
good for man at large, rather than the higher classes — than what 
has heretofore distinguished him in most other countries. 



32 

During die century and a half which preceded the Revolu- 
tion, increasing, though under foreign restraint, from handfuls of 
feeble emigrants to a population of three millions, and opening 
respectable commercial intercourse abroad, we penetrated with 
the axe and plough to the first mountain ridges of our extensive 
territory. Even this was deemed a marvel, and excited the 
envy and cupidity of others to check our prosperity, monopolize 
our trade, and control our progress. 

But, when emancipated from every species of interference 
from abroad, by achieving independence, and left to form those 
constitutions, establish those equal laws, which our condition jus- 
tified, and to excite that enterprise and industry to operate more 
widely, which had already contributed so much to make us what 
we were, and to sanction all we hoped to be, history shows that, 
within about a half a century, or little more than the moiety of 
the life of many an individual, that population proceeded to in- 
crease from three to fifteen millions, that territory more than 
doubled, and widened from the Atlantic and its declivities to the 
Pacific ; that foreign commerce augmented from a few thousand 
dollars in value yearly to over one hundred and fifty millions, 
each, of imports and exports ; manufactures, released from 
colonial thraldom, extended in many branches, not only to supply 
fully the domestic demand, but added several millions to our 
foreign trade ; agriculture bringing new staples to perfection, and, 
aided by mechanical ingenuity, furnished a raw material in cot- 
ton, for almost the whole of Europe as well as America ; pro- 
vided ourselves, in a large degree, with many of the other 
essentials of life, such as salt, iron, sugar and woollens, and 
scattered comfort and civilization, not only from the seaboard to 
the Alleghanies, but from the Alleghanies to the great monarch 
of rivers, and from him rapidly westward, till, ere long, it must 
reach the Rocky mountains, if not the Western ocean. With- 
in the same brief period, that history describes us to the rest of 
mankind as having created a navy, secondary in size and effi- 
ciency to only two or three in the world ; as having formed and 
sustained various institutions of enviable excellence, and done 
more to illustrate and perfect political economy than half the 



' • 33 

ages and authors which preceded us ; because, uniting in our sys- 
tem the practical man and philosopher, and making one co- 
operate with the other in furnishing focts for science, and science 
for facts. 

We have also conducted triumphantly several foreign wars 
and negotiations, and discharged all the burdens of one to 
two hundred millions of national debt, incurred in securing our 
independence and subsequent national privileges, as well as in 
enlarging our territory and building up all our inestimable insti- 
tutions and great works of public convenience or improvement. 
Last, but not least, besides rendering common the use of written 
constitutions for the safety of human rights, in almost every quar- 
ter of the globe, not merely rights political, but rights civil and 
social, and well adapted to secure the whole against the causes 
and from the consequences of both violated charters and broken 
compacts ; we have, above all, furnished in the person and by 
the efforts of Roger Williams, the self-denying but resolute 
seceder, on the margin of an humble river, now adorned with 
manufactories, churches, and colleges, the splendid triumph of 
the great doctrine which soon spreading to Maryland and Penn- 
sylvania, now pervades the whole Union, of entire liberty of 
conscience, and total freedom in religious matters from the dicta- 
tion of civil power. 

These are the obelisks and pyramids we have raised — the 
triumphal arches, built for posterity to admire ! These have 
been a few of the consequences of our principles. It is by 
these, and efforts such as these, that our march is still forward in 
a career of prosperity as unexampled as it is glorious. When 
our opinions are misrepresented — our institutions vilified — our 
ancestors and rulers assailed — we can proudly point to our his- 
tory and say, " By their fruits ye shall know them." 

Though in many respects we have ceased to be the infant 
Hercules, yet in others we are still, as Burke once beautifully 
said of us, quite in the gristle of youth, and it is hoped, aspire 
not to reach the hardiness of manhood in all things, till every 
useful application of science to art, every practical progress in 
the great business of life as well as in government has been 
5 



34 

attempted, and tlie whule moral giaiulcur ul" our national position 
and principles developed. 

In such an indefatigable career in the pursuit of general use- 
fulness to all, and by all, it is true, and far from derogatory, that 
we may not yet have collected the libraries of Gottingen or 
Oxford, because our true policy has been rather in the first 
instance to collect and educate a population suited to subdue the 
wilderness, establish manufactures, and extend commerce. 

Nor may we have exhibited critics in the classics like Scali- 
ger, Bentley or Johnson, because our earlier wants have been 
for critics in the forms of government, like Madison, and critics 
in the forms of law or administration of justice, like Wilson or 
Kent. We may not have educated mathematicians like Euler 
and La Place, or philosophers like Boyle, because our similar 
geniuses, such a Bowditch, have been more engaged in transla- 
ting and applying the reasonings of others to navigation and 
practical life, and, as Franklin, Fulton, Godfrey, and a host of 
inventors and benefactors, in rendering useful to their country 
the doctrines, sciences, and discoveries of former ages as well as 
their own. Nor have we produced Byrons, Raphaels, and 
Canovas, nor courted the muses and the graces with as distin- 
guished success in those thousand other attractive forms so com- 
mon in older countries, because our ambition has rather been 
directed to what naturally precedes those in society, to the j)er- 
formance of deeds worthy the immortality conferred by the poet, 
the painter, and the sculptor. 

It is mortifying to see our position in these respects so 
often and so obstinately misunderstood. The pert sarcasms 
of many might have been spared, had they reflected that 
the judicious here never presented claims for any peculiar dis- 
tinction, however brilliant, occasionally, has been the success 
of many among us in belles-lettres, and all those pursuits which 
are the usual result of only great wealth and the amplest leisure. 
On the contrary, we have, with much superior wisdom, consi- 
dering our true position, and probably with not less real talent, 
and certainly with equal industry, been principally devoted to 
the business much more natural, appropriate, and important, in 



OD 



our youthful stage of society and with our vast physical resour- 
ces, to the useful business of converting forests into fruitful fields, 
bridging rivers, spanning mountains with roads, uniting seas by 
canals, and making every hill and valley vocal with beings, in- 
dustrious, moral, intelligent, and happy, by training, as far and 
fast as practicable, the whole population, whether wealthy or in- 
digent, native or alien, to self-government, and the enjoyment as 
well as preservation of equal rights and well-regulated liberty. 

What do your annals show has been the result of all this ? 
Not the highest perfection in what the community generally, or 
the Government, never sought — in poetry, painting, statuary, 
monumental piles, or splended architecture — but great success 
in the wise objects of their true ambition — in the enlightenment 
and comforts of the population at large, for whom and by whom 
the country has been conquered, planted, civilized, and ruled. 
By that policy and success we have, instead of remaining a 
people among whom to read was so rare when America was 
discovered as to confer an exemption from punishment by 
the benefit of clergy, become a universally reading people. 
Without the help of kings, peers, or prelates, as legislators, we 
have also became a writing and " calculating" people, more 
versed in the best elements of education than many of their 
titled ancestors ; and among whom their language is, by the wide 
action of the press on the people and the people on the press, 
spoken with more purity and uniformity than the language of any 
country of similar size in Europe. A people better clothed than 
half the subjects of the proudest Edwards ; a people better 
housed than those of the Henries ; better furnished and fed than 
Elizabeth's, and better protected in every valuable right than 
those of all the Williams and Louises of any age and nation. 
A people, in fine, who, rather than their rulers, are sovereign in 
all things, and being an educated and moral people, can be, and 
are, behind and over all their governments, safely empowered, 
as sovereign, to change or destroy at pleasure every institution 
and law, and reconstruct them in the peaceful mode established 
by their constitutions. 

This consideration leads me to a brief notice of a few other 



36 

circumstances whicli liave transpiieil here in connexion with our 
new constitutions and new systems of jurisprudence, which are 
among the most interesting to the human race of any that re- 
sulted from the discovery of America. As before suggested, 
while presenting during a century and a half, a theatre on which 
the oppressed and enterprising might exhibit more freely their 
various principles, aspirations, and experiments, for the improve- 
ment of man, the training for self-government on those princi- 
ples, and in forms most acceptable to the majority of the gov- 
erned, seemed at length to be nearly completed, when the Revo- 
lution rendered us independent, and prostrated every barrier which 
had before existed against putting all those principles into more 
efficient practice. The fruit of liberty had become nearly ripe 
for plucking, and hence was not destined to be in its taste, as in 
France, Spain, Italy, and elsewhere, so often like the apples of 
Sodom. Our fathers had read, reflected, and reasoned deeply, 
and knew society must be held together by some strong cement, 
or the inherent love for the state of nature and individual inde- 
pendence which actuates most human beings, would lead to 
separation or dissolution, if not to mutual aggression. That 
cement is usually a clear conviction of benefits to be derived 
from society, or is mere arbitrary power, accompanied sometimes 
by fraud and delusion. We had rid ourselves from the domina- 
tion of any portion of such power in our former oppressors, and 
were to commence the task of moulding institutions which might 
in some way secure to us more perfect freedom, and at the same 
time be adapted to confer equal if not greater protection and 
prosperity. But a continuance of monarchy was so abhorred in 
any shape that it seems scarcely to have been dreamed of. Yet, 
in rejecting that or any other arbitrary power, as a cement or 
preservative, whether foreign or domestic in its origin, and how- 
ever derived, it became obvious to the reflecting that an extraor- 
dinary substitute must be found in some other elements of politi- 
cal cohesion. Hence the prophets of royal prerogative were full 
of mischievous predictions as to the incapacity of our people to 
govern themselves, and as to an early catastrophe of the whole 
system. Even the fiiends of equal rights began to feel some 



37 

slight apprehensions al the prospect. Bui haviug ascertained, 
during the old confederation, that there must be a given or suffi- 
cient quantity of power in order to make a nation, like a planet, 
revolve steadily in its proper orbit ; and hence, if one kind of it, 
that from an arbitrary origin, was diminished, the other kind, 
that from a voluntary origin, and resting in the general informa- 
tion and sound moral principles of the community, with laws and 
government more beneficial and equal, established by them must 
be proportionally strengthened or increased — the founders of 
our present constitutions set about their new duties with earnest- 
ness and vigor. The wise, the good, and the talented through- 
out the land, all with a chivalrous spirit, co-operated in rousing 
the intelligence and virtue of the people to increased efforts 
in establishing institutions productive of the greatest benefits, 
not only to the separate States but to the Union. They 
thus guarded us against " the dark and dishonest intrigues" 
of kings abroad or demagogues at home, and prevented us from 
falling again into colonial dependance, or into those divisions, 
anarchy, and licentiousness, which are the bane of all national 
improvement. They co-operated, also, in creating those securi- 
ties for property and person as well as for State rights — in fulfil- 
ling those obligations of public indebtedness, and in yielding that 
equal protection to all branches of industry which good faith and 
national prosperity required ; and in rallying, on every fit occa- 
sion, to the aid of order, law, and liberty, all the intellectual and 
moral energies of the whole population. 

The true philosophy which, therefore, was n)ade to pervade 
our new constitutional and legislative systems, was the offspring 
of this discovery of a necessity to make those systems a source 
of increased advantages to all afTected by them, and to strengthen 
or secure government by greater attention to education and 
morals, and by making more frequent invocations to their aid 
in the absence of arbitrary power and severer laws. Hence 
they began by offering benefits alone, and by removing all 
restraints from expatriation by those who at any time might be- 
come discontented with their portion derived from the common 
fund of advantages, political and social, or be dissatisfied with 



3S 

the bmpirage of that majority in the Government which, though 
so often pronounced a tyrant, must lay the basis of all free 
society. They next were careful to leave neither individual 
nor State without a due share of rights, not only in the Govern- 
ment itself, but under it ; to recognise politically no distinction of 
plebeian or patrician, and generally none of Catholic, Jew, or 
Protestant ; to control neither the person nor property, where the 
individual had been educated to the self-management of them, 
except so far as was indispensable for mere public objects ; to 
disclaim all power not voluntarily conferred ; to make all govern- 
ment be regarded as a blessing, when and so far as it was resort- 
ed to, rather than an unnecessary restraint, and to impart civil 
power to and over none in any case, further than was necessary 
to enforce justly the laws of the majority. As a general rule, 
nothing but gross ignorance or vice were ever permanently put 
to the ban of exclusion from a proportionate participation in 
public affairs. 

In order to ensure more certainly the faithful discharge of 
official duty, by all to whom power was with jealousy con- 
fided, one great characteristic of their political system has 
been its more complete separation of the legislative, execu- 
tive, and judicial departments of the Government from mixture, 
and thus rendering the discharge of duties under each of them 
more simple and easy. They also established much more rigid 
checks and baknces in legislation itself, and official accountabili- 
ty has been greatly and almost constantly on the increase, by 
shortening the term of office, as well as surrounding it with other 
new guards and responsibilities. This frequent and full reckon- 
ino" between the electors and the elected, exacts a more rigorous 
responsibility than generally has characterized any other govern- 
ment, however popular and free ; and, while it may be open to 
the imputation of some encroachment upon individual and official 
independence, it secures, what in our system is generally deemed 
more essential, a conformity in official action with the known 
will and wishes of those who made and conferred the office, and 
who are chiefly to benefit or suffer by all the measures of men 
in office. It constitutes, also, a more effectual preventive to the 



39 

usurpations of power — power, which, in its general tendencies, 
is often insidious, voracious, and selfish ; which is apt to increase 
its appetite by indulgence, and which, unless vigilantly watched 
and frequently summoned to account, is prone to steal from 
the many to the few, till every vestige of real liberty is lost. 
The amplest authority was conferred to constitute a government 
both salutary and efficient for all useful purposes, but not a 
pittance for pageantry or oppression. 

It will be perceived, from only these general suggestions, how 
different has been the character of our efforts here for self-gov- 
ernment, from what they have often been elsewhere, whether in 
ancient or modern history ; and how strikingly most of the caus- 
es of their difference can be traced to that practical education 
and sound morals which have so thoroughly pervaded this coun- 
try, and which may well be deemed the strongest citadel of our 
constitutions. On our Northern border, some sixty years since, 
the Colony whose co-operation was anticipated in the great 
struggle for independence, was visted by a mission from the old 
Congress, of whom Dr. Franklin was one, and well provided 
with pamphlets and manifestoes. The inhabitants, however, 
were found so generally ignorant as to be unable to read them ; 
and their condition in this respect appeared so hopeless, that, on 
his return, he recommended that the next embassy should con- 
sist of school-masters. What a signal illustration of his sagacity, 
and of the importance of education, is their history since ! — 
showing that, after half a century more, they still remain in the 
same provincial subjection to a distant empire, and in almost the 
same torpid condition, as to the great principles of libertv. 

Montesquieu and some others have mentioned virtue alone as 
the preserving element in popular governments. But this is an 
error, if virtue can be separated from intelligence, almost as fatal 
as that of supposing education alone to be sufficient. Our whole 
history shows that both have been intimately combined when- 
ever we have prospered highly, and one or the other has always 
been defective, both in America and elsewhere, whenever a 
signal failure in self-government has occurred. 

It shows, also, that the two, united, become, in a democracy, 



40 

the predominant if not only legitimate substitutes for arbitrary 
power. That they are our great Mentors — one to instruct us 
in our duties as well as rights, and the other to impel us onward 
to the performance of them ; one to enlighten, the other to con- 
vince ; one to prepare us for right action, the other to make us 
act, or to give us proper motives for exertion. The conviction 
of these momentous truths was therefore so deep, it led our an- 
cestors to comnjence the indulgence of equal rights, in no case, 
till knowledge existed and correct principles had been thoroughly 
inculcated in respect to the use and character of those rights ; 
instead of commencing, as in many other regions, the rude 
levelling of all distinctions of political rank and civil privilege, 
before many of those about to participate in them were acquaint- 
ed with their true limitations or design, and before they were 
gradually trained, like those ancestors and ourselves, almost from 
the cradle, in their correct exercise and necessary discipline. 
Without this training, or the education and morals indispensable 
to perfect it, a grant of equal political power and consequently 
of almost unrestrained liberty, would be not only a harbinger but 
an invitation to unbridled license — to plunder, conflagration, and 
indiscriminate butchery. Such a course stands, therefore, con- 
demned by reason, condemned by experience, condemned by all 
history. It would evince a hatred rather than love of our spe- 
cies, and prove a curse to all within its sanguinary and fanatical 
influence. Notwithstanding, therefore, some arrogant taunts on 
this subject from abroad, it would be usurpation and tyranny for 
any of the Governments under our restricted systems to attempt 
to adopt such a course towards any class of unfortunate beings, 
over whom no such authority has ever been confided to them by 
the people or the States, and probably from a just jealousy never 
will be confided. At the same time it would as clearly be the 
height of folly if not insanity for any Governments which may 
ever possess such authorhy, to offer at once perfect equality to 
candidates so uneducated, undisciplined, and in almost every 
respect grossly unqualified. 

But when, how, and where the process ought to begin, are 
questions that have been perplexing in all countries as well as 



41 

here — that belong exchisivcly to such Governments alone as 
possess the power, and for their decision on which they are 
politically amenable to no other human tribunal, but only subject 
to that moral judgment of civilized mankind, and the great Gov- 
ernor of the universe, to which all intelligent beings are equally 
subject, for the correct discharge of every duty. 

The practical education and views of our fathers in all things, 
led them, also, to devise new provisions, new guards, and new 
inducements for the preservation of the rights they established. 
Their history shows that, unlike many other reformers, they did 
not deem it sufficient to proclaim equality merely on parchment, 
or only in some organic law or charter, like a constitution — but 
they carried, gradually though firmly, in substance though not 
in exact form or with abstract and mathematical precision, the 
general principle of equality into common legislation and the 
usages of the social system, so as to secure what they had sought 
diligently, and to prevent the stone they had with great toil 
rolled to the summit from rushing back, as too often has been 
the case, and crushing, in an unguarded moment, the political 
labors of years. 

To notice a few more of the particular consequences from 
this policy, it may be added that the tenure and distribution of 
property of intestates were in time rendered equal ; and this 
alone struck deep and wide the roots of great uniformity of 
condition into our whole social system. The feudalties, unequal 
inheritances, and mortmains of monarchy, in respect to landed 
property, were also slowly abolished, breaking up with them 
most of the overgrown proprietary estates, and large possessions 
of every kind, and introducing almost universal freeholds and 
fee simples, so that every citizen could feel and be in some 
degree lord of the soil. The creation of exclusive privileges and 
monopolies of all kinds was discountenanced in theory, though 
not always sufficiently in practice. But, in progress of time, 
the useful substitute has begun to spread, which is more conge- 
nial to the intelligence of the present age and to the preserva- 
tion of equality of rights, to permit and protect joint associations 
for useful objects and under salutary restrictions, but seldom to 
6 



42 

make them exclusive. The elective franchise was also by 
degrees conferred on man himself, rather than the soil or estate 
he owned. Property as well as person was protected, but not 
made a new power or independent dominion in the State. The 
aristocracy of mere money, as well as the aristocracy of birth, 
was in time equally renounced in theory, and the progress of 
these improvements in changing many antiquated notions and 
abolishing certain remains of monarchical privileges or analogies, 
like the growth of the human frame, was wisely gradual, and in 
accordance with the acquisition of new authority, and the greater 
experience and intelligence of the community, and not so quick 
as to blind with sudden or excessive light, or to bewilder the 
weak, or to break down the unpractised with the excessive 
weight of unusual power and responsibility. The administra- 
tion of laws and the enjoyment of equal freedom were not at 
once rashly conferred on infants in years or acquirements, on the 
incapable, the convict and the slave; but the dispensation of 
justice was allowed to be aided by all who were qualified to be 
jurors ; legislation intrusted to and perfected by all who were 
educated and represented in it ; arms allowed to be in the hands 
of all who had any thing to defend ; and all the laws, like the 
shell of the marine animal, formed not to suit others, or by 
others, such as the inheritable Lycurguses or Solons of a mon- 
archy, but to suit as well those who needed the laws as those 
the laws were destined to protect. Pursuing the analogy, they 
were thus afterwards changed with ease, as the growth and 
necessities of the community demanded. Thus have we wisely, 
but therefore slowly and in clear cases, moulded most of our 
legislation to suit the rights of our people, and the nature of 
their social condition. 

Led by the sympathies in favour of our species, usually at- 
tendant on intelligence and virtue widely diffused, the public 
have sought reform and improvement with such commendable 
zeal and generosity, that even the lowest have not been over- 
looked. The real pauper, from infirmity of body or mind, has 
been not only maintained by law, but, when capable, has been 
furnished with useful instruction, to enlarge his facukies aud 



43 

elevate bis soul Imprisonment for debt bas also been generally 
abolished ; bumane and relief societies multiplied ; asylums and 
hospitals for the insane, as well as sick, liberally established ; 
and an eagerness evinced, by means of similar institutions, to 
pour intelligence, if not sound, even into the deaf; letters, if 
not light, into the blind ; and language, if not speech, into the 
dumb. The penal code has been stripped of most of its Draco 
principles — abandoning sanguinary floggings, pillories, and tor- 
tures, as well as barbarous executions, it has become almost 
universally one of comparative mildness as well as of reforma- 
tion. Beyond the spirit of the age elsewhere, and far outstrip- 
ping its progress in these respects in all other countries, the 
greatest efforts have been made to prevent, rather than severely 
to punish, the largest class of crimes, and to rely more on the 
schoolmaster, the spelling-book, and the bible, for safety or im- 
provement, than on the stocks, or the whipping-post, or the 
])rison. 

When man has thus been carefully educated to his political 
position, and all around him is in just keeping with it, the bar- 
riers of advancement are soon prostrated, and he becomes, in 
fact and in theory, the only monarch of the soil — the only au- 
thor of his own laws — the sole arbiter, in most respects, of his 
own destiny. Then it is, that he possesses every motive, human 
and divine, to act, not with rashness, precipitancy, folly, or 
wickedness. The ballot-box is then the sovereign remedy for 
most political evils, instead of mobs, or riots, or revolution. 
The conflicts of opinion and interest are there, for a time, 
adjusted ; injustice, extravagances, and excesses, defeated or 
chastened ; and the differences of tastes or desires — the inevita- 
ble strifes of liberty and independence — are, for an allotted sea- 
son, either softened or compromised, so far as regards their 
political operation, by the conclusive, though often mixed de- 
cision of the majority. Defeat, as well as occasional victory, 
come so often and unexpectedly, that the whole habit of the 
country is to bear both with moderation, if not philosophic 
resignation, and to rely on another trial at the polls, in due time 
for the correction of any former errors, rather than on a resort 



44 

to force. If the decisions there in regard to men and measures, 
produced by intrigue or temporary excitement, look sometimes 
like caprice, and prove to be real injuries to the voters them- 
selves, as well as to others, they are usually soon reversed, on 
fuller information. For, as Lord Mansfield, (no strong friend of 
popular rights) once conceded, " the people are almost alvi^ays 
in the right. The great may sometimes be in the wrong, bat 
the great body of the people are always in the right." Revolu- 
tion or rebellion, which, in extreme cases, ever will and must be 
exercised by those suffering under flagrant oppression, hopeless 
and irremediable in any other mode, is the extreme medicine, to 
be applied only in those extreme cases, and is not to become 
with impunity daily food. Indeed, when the supposed sufferer 
helps both to make and administer the laws, and if dissatisfied 
with the decisions of the majority, can generally withdraw, if, 
after repeated peaceable trials, unable to change them, there is 
little apology for an appeal to any demoralizing and disorganiz- 
ing measures. Having a country and a government of his own 
to be saved, he is generally ready to sink or swim with their 
political destinies. But, if irregularities occur, under the deep 
impulses of an over-sensitive love of liberty, or a sudden delu- 
sion as to facts and principles, the true policy of our system is, 
and always has been, to indulge in leniency, if not forgiveness, 
and to seek future reformation by additional teaching in both 
letters and morals, rather than by inexorable severity. A rea- 
soning, enlightened, and moral population, are to be managed 
rather by reason than force, and, under all disappointments and 
disasters, possess an inherent recuperative energy that prevents 
either despair or ruin. In such a population there is a vis 
medicatrix which will sustain the state against very violent 
shocks, and restore its institutions to a condition of safety or 
stability, after subtle encroachments or great indiscretion in 
departures from sound principles. Constitutions as well as laws, 
after deliberately established, are not thus in practice fickle as 
the breeze. But the disposition is wisely cherished, and very 
prevalent in our annals, to alter only what is manifestly wrong, 
and with great pertinacity to abide by whalcvci is found, after 



45 

due experiment, not in a great ilei^a'ee jnejudaial to tlu' common 
weal or to individual liberty and enterprise. While properly 
making all things in theory liable to change, as greater expe- 
rience and information might require, our ancestors, since the 
Revolution, have dealt with caution and delicacy in legislation 
for the transactions of real life, and seldom entered into too 
minute and vexatious details, or countenanced very sudden inno- 
vations. They well knew that " the world had been governed 
too much," and that it was more secure and often more advan- 
tageous to stand by tried laws and institutions, though in some 
respects defective, than to embark constantly on doubtful schemes 
of supposed improvement in any thing and every thing which 
restlessness, rashness or ambition, passion or ignorance, might 
feel disposed to hazard. Hence, they bore various oppressions 
and much rank injustice, long as they were bearable and any 
hope was left of peaceable redress, previous to their resort to 
forcible resistance ; and hence, the strongest reliance can always 
be since placed on the permanency of our institutions and laws, 
so long as they confer in any reasonable degree the benefits 
anticipated from them. Their maxims and practice have always 
been to advance, but to advance canUously , festi7ia Icntc. 

It is true our people have generally sought liberty in all things, 
so far as consistent with the preservation of the social system in 
safe operation ; and that they have trusted for protection much 
more to the better restraints of good education and sound morals, 
than to frequent changes or great severity in their laws. It is 
also true that, in doubtful exigencies, their general bearing has 
always been in favor of increasing liberty ; but still it has not 
been liberty independent of law, or opposed to it, but liberty in 
conformity to law. They have sought the law of liberty, rather 
than the liberty to dispense with the law. 

The freedom of the press, for instance, however perverted at 
times, or occasionally lowered in its legitimate influence by 
groundless and indiscriminate animadversions, was, at an early 
day, fully established here, unchecked except by being made 
legally subject to punishment for flagrant wrongs. 

From Milton's " speech for the liberty of unlicensed printing," 



46 

inililislicd iiljout ilie lime many of our faihers emigrated hither, 
to the expiration of the celebrated sedition law, as well as since, 
the idea has " grown with our growth/' that a still more effec- 
tive remedy to prevent the licentiousness of the press, or the 
tongue through the press, is rather to be found in public intelli- 
gence and sound morals, than in the prison, or the pillory, or in 
personal violence inflicted thoughtlessly on its indiscreet con- 
ductors. However, then, we may lament its occasional prostitu- 
tion, mingled, it is admitted, with many excellencies, and how- 
ever we may regret the manifold abuses of free discussion and 
liberty of speech as well as of the press, yet they all rest on 
imperishable principles. Experience shows that real merit lives 
down most calumnies, and that time so far destroys or corrects 
the evils, whether of the press or the tongue, that of all the 
dunces who assailed the Popes, Chathams, or Burkes, of former 
days, their slanders and themselves have mostly sunk into one 
common oblivion, except as preserved by the unnecessary notice 
of those they vilified. 

True liberty here in any thing, never can be the mere Gothic 
license of irregularity or violence. The numerous examples of 
history, as well as ordinary intelligence and plain common sense, 
teach us that such a liberty is more full of disasters, more 
ruinous to the cause of uniformity in rights, security of person 
or properly, orderly happiness, and prosperous greatness, than a 
tyranny the most miserable, partial, and bloody. Such a liberty 
lays the axe at the root of society itself, and renders every thing 
a prey to the inequality and injustice of mere brute force, 
ignorant passion, or unbridled wickedness. If any thing called 
law then remains, " lust will become a law, and envy will become 
a law, and covetousness and ambition will become laws." But 
the liberty sanctioned by our fathers, and pervading all our insti- 
tutions, is the liberty created and sustained not only by law, but 
that kind of law which, with calmness and sound deliberation, is 
previously promulgated by an enlightened public will, to be the 
true rule of right ; and of the pure spirit of which, in the 
eloquent description of Hooker, " no less can be acknowledged 
than that her seat is the bosom of God, her voice the harmony 



. 47 

of the world." It is the liborly nut to Irainjilt dh tln' i^jjits of 
the weak and iho poor, any more than to assail and undermine 
those of the strong or the rich ; but the liberty, even fastidious 
or scrupulous, to enjoy those rights, as fully by the one class as 
the other, both under the shield of legal protection, but neither 
under monopolies, and both equally invulnerable under the broad 
panoply of sacred constitutions, wholesome statutes, and upright 
as well as intelligent judicial tribunals. Nor is liberty considered 
here, as it often is abroad, to consist properly in opposition to 
the existing government — a government in most countries im- 
posed on the people at large no less than on the wretched, by 
conquest, doubtful inheritance, or force and usurpation — but it is 
evinced rather by a support of the useful operations of that 
government here, which all have virtually united in devising and 
profiting by. As little is liberty displayed here ])y a bitter dis- 
like to the laws, on the ground that " the world is not one's 
friend, nor the world's law," because the law here is usually the 
friend, the child, the ally of all, as all who are qualified, help to 
make the law, all repose under its shelter, and most people duly 
appreciate the benefit of enforcing it. Hence, as a general 
truth, every eye here is vigilant, and every hand armed to detect 
and punish ordinary offences, as well as to expose official misde- 
meanors ; and the pride, ambition, interest, and duty of the 
whole community, are arrayed on the side of order, and in sup- 
port of their own constitutions and laws. Nor ought they ever 
to grant the liberty to oppress any one class, party, or sect, but 
the liberty to all of them, of enjoying freedom of speech and 
discussion within the limits before mentioned, and of obtainint^ 
immunity from oppression, and redress for injury, through the 
established legal channels. Not, in their private capacity, to be 
their own avengers, and redress wrongs, either of person or pro- 
perty, punish crimes, make and unmake laws, constitutions, or 
appointments to office ; but to do them all in the respective 
methods, regular, public, and constitutional, which equality, 
justice, sound knowledge, sound morals, and all the lessons and 
admonitions of history point out as salutary and safe : that is, 
through the jury ; on the magistrate's bench ; in authorized con- 



48 

ventions ; legislative assemblies ; at tlie ballot-boxj or the polls; 
and in proper executive stations. 

Liberty thus regulated and enforced, becomes the champion 
rather than antagonist of law, and the strongest bulwark of 
social order. Fortunate people ! Happy country, if all the 
teachings of its history, in these respects, are not lost upon us 
and our posterity. 

While the blind instincts of an uneducated or a vicious popu- 
lation often hurry them into sedition, refractory insubordination, 
and every species of lawless violence, the informed mind, and 
strong moral sense of the great mass among us, make them con- 
scious that, however sophistry may elsewhere disguise the great 
truth, or false systems of policy may delude or degrade the lower 
classes, and then subject them to endure, tamely, humiliation 
from their fellow-mortals, or inflame them into madness and 
forcible vengeance against oppression, the just rule of conduct 
is always the same in public as in private affairs, and that in the 
end it is as ruinous to one as the other to have the right known 
and yet the wrong pursued. They are aware that if the popu- 
lation are habituated to think and act, even in politics alone, as 
mere Cossacks, serving, whether individuals, corporations, or 
parties, solely because the pay is highest, and the labor and 
danger, are supposed to be least ; and if such mercenaries 
ever inquire into what is right, and knowledge in them, as in 
other cases, becomes power, still, without sound morals as its 
director and restraint, it becomes but the power of the blinded 
Cyclops, in his cave, useless to himself and harmless to his 
enemies. Or, if like Sampson's, destructive to his enemies, it 
is at the same time equally destructive to its possessor, crushing 
himself, ere long, with them, under the ruins of the overturned 
pillars of the social edifice. 

We have not leisure to travel through the more modern revo- 
lutions, in the American annals, and to gather the numerous 
illustrations on this subject, written on the fair fields of South 
America, or Mexico, in blood and tears. Indeed, the first disco- 
verers of the new world seem to have been, in many respects, 
the very least of its regenerators ; and it is most lamentable in 



49 

their history, that they have received almost as httle benefits in 
return at home, as they were unfortunate in conferring abroad. 

In conclusion, therefore while meditating upon our own aston- 
ishing progress, as developed in history, and discriminating with 
care the origin alike of our perils and securities as a people, 
does it not behove us to weigh well the importance of our 
present position ? Not our position merely with regard to foreign 
Powers. From them we have, by an early start and rapid pro- 
gress in the cause of equal rights, long ceased to fear much 
injury or to hope for very essential aid, in our further efforts for 
the thorough intprovement of the condition of society in all that 
is useful or commendable. Nor our position, however the true 
causes may be distorted or denied — our elevated position, in 
prosperity and honorable estimation, both at home and abroad. 
But it is our position, so highly responsible, as the only country 
where the growth of self-government seems fully to have ripened 
and to have become a model or example to other nations ; or, as 
the case may prove, their scoff and scorn. 

To falter here, and now, would, therefore, probably be to 
cause the experiment of such a government to fail forever. It 
is not sufficient, in this position, to loathe servitude, or to love 
liberty with all the enthusiasm of Plutarch's heroes. But we 
must be warned by our history how to maintain liberty — how to 
grasp the substance rather than the shadow — to disregard rheto- 
rical flourishes, unless accompanied by deeds — not to be cajoled 
by holiday finery, or pledges enough to carpet the polls, where 
integrity and burning zeal do not exist to redeem them — nor to 
permit ill-vaulting ambition to volunteer and vaunt Its profes- 
sions of ability as well as willingness to serve the people against 
their own government — any more than demagogues, In a rougher 
mood, with a view to rob you, sacrilegiously, of those principles, 
or undermine, with insidious pretensions, those equal Institutions 
which your fathers bled to secure. Nor does true reform, how- 
ever frequent In this position, and under those institutions, 
scarcely ever consist In violence, or what usually amounts to 
revolution, the sacred right of which, by force or rebellion, in 
extreme cases of oppression, being seldom necessary to be cxer- 
7 



50 

cised here, because reform is one of the original elements of 
those institutions, and one of their great, peaceable, and pre- 
scribed objects. However the timid, then, may fear, or the 
wealthy denounce its progress, it is the principal safety-valve of 
our system, rather than an explosion to endanger or destroy it. 
We should also weigh well our delicate position as the sole 
country whither the discontented in all others resort freely, and 
while conforming to the laws, abide securely ; and whither the 
tide of emigration, whether for good or evil, seems each year 
setting with increased force. 

When we reflect on these circumstances, with several others, 
which leisure does not permit me to enumerate ; and when we 
advert to some of the occurrences in our social and political 
condition, within the few last years, appearing worse, it is feared, 
than the slight irregularities and outbreaks of great freedom, on 
such periodical excitements as elections ; and looking rather, in 
some cases, like more grave departures from legal subordination, 
and attended, as they have been, on different occasions, and in 
different quarters, by no feeble indications of obliquity of princi- 
ple, in morals as well as politics, evinced by violent aggressions, 
not only on person and property, but the rights of conscience and 
of free discussion — while we see all this, what does our delicate 
and peculiar position teach, as to the perils of American liberty? 
What warning spirit breathes from those events ? What infer- 
ences should philosophy and sober judgment draw from their 
history ? 

Is it not manifest that the danger now to be guarded against is 
one arising rather from too little than too much control on the 
part of the Government ; too little rather than too much rever- 
ence for the constitution, the supremacy of the laws, and the 
sacredness of personal rights as well as those of property ; and 
if not an undue homage to mere wealth, still too great presump- 
tuousness from the enjoyment of such unexampled prosperity ? 
Looking higher and deeper, is there not seen, also, too much 
indifference beginning to be entertained in some quarters, with 
regard to the perpetuity of the Union ? — that political marriage 
of the States, upon which, like that of our first parents, " all 



51 

heaven and happy constellations shed their selecte:>t influence." 
Does there not exist too great an apathy respecting our impera- 
tive and lofty duty not to disappoint, in any way, the aspirations 
and the confidence of the patriot or the philanthropist, in every 
country directed towards us for the conservaiion of all the best 
hopes of the human race ? Suspecting, then, some such evil 
tendencies — feeling such doubts, and fearing such dangers, what 
do our annals point out as the true republican remedy to check 
them ? Not, we trust, a revival — in substance any more than in 
form — of the stronger arm of monarchical power which preceded 
the Revolution. By no means. Not, in any crisis, rushing for 
preservation from outrage or for rescue from anarchy and licen- 
tiousness to stronger systems of government — to what, it is 
hoped, we all deprecate and dread in unnecessary restraints on 
individual liberty and more arbitrary establishments, under the 
pretence of aids, though in reality often the most dangerous 
weapons wielded by the arm of civil power. Never, never. 
Nor yet a change in our codes of law, harshly increasing their 
severity, conferring unequal privileges, or perpetuating exclusive 
powers, at the expense of the birthright and liberties of others. 
Nor an elevation of property and its possessors lo greater domi- 
nion over the rights of persons, when its strides have already been 
so collossal, and its influence so overwhelming. 

Neither ought we to indulge in despondency, however appre- 
hensive, with the great blind bard of modern times, that, in some 
respects, we " have fallen on evil days and evil tongues ;" and 
however conscious that, as a people, we are not entirely free 
from foibles, errors, and crime, in this erring world, and have not 
been able to reach every excellence as a nation, or to mature 
every political security of which our constitutions are suscepti 
ble, in the brief period of about half a century. 

On the contrary, it behoves us to look our perils and difficul- 
ties, such as they are, in the face. Then, with the exercise of 
candor, calmness, and fortitude, being able to comprehend fully 
their character and extent, let us profit by the teachings of 
almost every page in our annals, that any defects under our 
existing system have resulted more from the manner of admin- 



52 

istering it than from its substance or form. We less need new 
laws, new institutions, or new powers, than we need, on all occa- 
sions, at all times, and in all places, the requisite intelligence 
concerning the true spirit of our present ones; the high moral 
courage under every hazard, and against every offender, to exe- 
cute with fidelity the authority already possessed ; and the manly 
independence to abandon all supineness, irresolution, vacillation, 
and time-serving pusillanimity, and enforce our present mild 
system with that uniformity and steady vigor throughout, which 
alone can supply the place of the greater severity of less free 
institutions. To encourage us in renewed efforts to accomplish 
every thing on this subject which is desirable, cur history con- 
stantly points her finger to a most efficient resource and indeed 
to the only elixir, to secure a long life to any popular govern- 
ment, in increased attention to useful education and sound morals, 
with the wise description of equal measures and just practices 
they inculcate on every leaf of recorded time. Before their 
alliance the spirit of misrule will always in time stand rebuked, 
and those who worship at the shrine of unhaHowed ambition 
must quail. Storms in the political atmosphere may occasion- 
ally happen by the encroachments of usurpers, the corruption or 
intrigues of demagogues, or in the expiring agonies of faction, or 
by the sudden fury of popular phrensy ; but with ihe restraints and 
salutary influences of the allies before described, these storms will 
purify as healthfully as they often do in the physical world, and 
cause the tree of liberty, instead of falling, to strike its roots 
deeper. In this struggle the enlightened and moral possess 
also a friend, auxiliary and strong, in the spirit of the age, 
which is not only with them, but onward, in every thing to 
ameliorate or improve. When the struggle assumes the form of 
a contest with power in all its subtlety, or with undermining and 
corrupting wealth, as it sometimes may, rather than with turbu- 
lence, sedition, or open aggression, by the needy and desperate, 
it will be indispensable to employ still greater vigilance — to 
cherish earnestness of purpose, resoluteness in conduct — to apply 
hard and constant blows to real abuses, rather than milk-and- 
water remedies, and encourage not only bold, free, and original 



53 

thinking, but deteniun«d action. In such a cause our fathers 
were men whose hearts were not accustomed to fail them through 
fear, however formidable the obstacles. Some of them were 
companions of Cromwell, and embued deeply with his si)irit and 
iron-decision of character, in whatever they deemed right : " If 
Pope, and Spaniard, and devil, (said he,) all set themselves 
against us, though they should compass us about as bees, as it is 
in the 18th Psalm, yet in the name of the Lord we will destroy 
them." We are not, it is trusted, such degenerate descendants 
as to prove recreant, and fail to defend, with gallantry and firm- 
ness as unflinching, all which we either derived from them, or 
have since added to the rich inheritance. 

New means and energies can yearly be brought to bear on 
the further enlightening of the public mind. Self-interest, re- 
spectability in society, official rank, wealth, superior enjoyment, 
are all held out as the rewards of increased intelligence and good 
conduct. The untaught in letters, as well as the poor in estate, 
cannot long close their eyes or their judgments to those great 
truths of daily occurrence in our history. They cannot but feel 
that the laws, when duly executed, ensure these desirable ends 
in a manner even more striking to themselves and children, 
drudges and serfs as they may once have been, than to the 
learned, wealthy, or great. They see the humblest log-cabin 
rendered as secure a castle as the palace, and the laborer in the 
lowest walks of life as quickly entitled to the benefit of a habeas 
corpus when imprisoned without warrant of law, as the highest 
in power, and assured of as full and ready redress for personal 
violence, and of indemnity as ample for injury to character or 
damage to property. Not a particle of his estate, though but a 
single ewe-lamb in the Western wilderness, or the most sterile 
acre on the White mountains, can be taken away with impunity, 
though by the most powerful, whhout the voluntary consent of 
the indigent owner, nor even be set apart for public purposes, 
without the same necessities and the same just compensation 
awarded as in case of the greatest. 

To any man thus situated, any thing agrarian about property 
would be as ruinous, looking to the prosperity of himself and to 



54 

his family in future, as it would be to the weakhy now, PoHti- 
cal and civil rights being made equal, it becomes much better, 
no less for the poor but well-informed and enterprising, than for 
the cause of society and virtue at large, as well as the present 
safety of tiie rich, that the future acquisitions of property, power, 
and honor, should all generally be rendered proportionate to the 
future industry, good conduct, and improved talents of every 
individual. 

Thus labor and capital here are made to have but one true 
interest, and to find that " self-love and social are the same." 

The scourges of avarice, in its too great voracity for wealth or 
capita], will always be the irregular depredations on it of labor, 
if left badly paid or badly taught, and the true blessings of 
labor will be its honest and timely acquisitions of capital, if 
made able to learn and practise its appropriate duties as well as 
rights. Then, though steadfast and zealous in resisting the 
seductions of power, the timidities of sloth, the effeminacy of 
luxury, and the mercenary, sordid spirit of mere gain, the work- 
ing classes, will, at the same time, be careful to shape and crowd 
forward all their claims in subjection to order, and in the safe 
channels of law and well-regulated liberty. 

It would hardly be necessary, before this assembly, to advance 
any further arguments deduced from our history in proof of the 
peculiar importance, or indeed vitality, of sound morals as well 
as sound education, in such a government as ours, at all times, 
and more especially in periods of increased peril. They, indeed 
always constitute a power higher than the law itself, and possess 
a healthy vigor much beyond the law. Nor, under our admira- 
ble system, does the promotion of morality require any, as mere 
citizens, to aid it, through political favor, to the cause of any 
particular creed of religion, however deep may be our individual 
convictions of its truth or importance beyond all the world can 
give or the world take away. Our public associations for pur- 
poses of government now wisely relate to secular concerns alone. 
Surely, any of us can be the worthy descendants of the 
Puritans without being, after the increased lights of two hun- 
dred more years, puritanical, in the indulgence of bigotry or in 



65 

placing any reliance on the dangerous, and it is hoped exploded, 
union of church and stale for public security. 

On the contrary, the progress of temperance, the improvement 
in household comforts, the wider diffusion of knowledge as well 
as of competency in property, and the association, so intimate 
and radical, between enlarged intelligence and the growth of 
moral worth and even religious principle, with the advantages all 
mutually confer and receive, constitute our safest dependance 
and exhibit a characteristic, striking and highly creditable to our 
whole country, as well as in some degree to the present age. 
If, constantly reinforced by those exertions of the enlightened, 
the virtuous, and the talented, which they can well spare, and 
which duty, honor, and safety demand, they seem to encourage 
strong hopes that the arm of the law will not hereafter be so 
often palsied by any moral indifference among the people at 
large, or in any quarter, as to its strength to guide as well as 
hold the helm. 

At such a crisis, therefore, and in such a cause, yielding to 
neither consternation nor despair, may we not all profit by the 
vehement exhortations of Cicero to Atticus : " If you are asleep, 
awake ; if you are standing, move ; if you are moving, run ; if 
you are running, fly." 

All these considerations warn us — the grave-stones of almost 
every former republic warn us — that a high standard of moral 
rectitude, as well as of intelligence, is quite as indispensable to 
communities in their public doings as to individuals, if they would 
escape from either degeneracy or disgrace. 

There need be no morbid delicacy in employing on this sub- 
ject a tone at once plain and fearless. Much of our own history 
unites in admonishing all, that those public doings should be 
characterized, when towards the members of the same con- 
federacy, not by exasperations or taunts, but by mutual conces- 
sions, in cases of conflicting claims — by amicable compron)ises 
where no tribunal is provided for equal arbitration — by exact 
justice to the smallest as well as to the largest State ; and 
through all irritations and rebuffs, the more bitter often because 
partaking of the freedom of their family origin, by an inflexible 



56 

adherence to that spirit of conciliation, and to that cultivation of 
harmony, through mutual affection and mutual benefits rather 
than force, which, honorable, if not always honored, formed and 
has hitherto sustained our happy Union. 

When towards other nations they should evince what Ander- 
son, half a century ago, considered " the best temper of govern- 
ment, neither to do a wrong or take it." By the aid of such an 
example here, with our abhorrence of the spirit of conquest, 
and our devotion to a mutual interchange among all nations of 
only favors, rather than injuries, it is believed that the art of 
printing, so widely diffused as it has been of late, and the 
greater facilities of communication between most parts of the 
known world by means of an increasing commerce and wider 
employment of machinery and steam, are fast creating a great 
tribunal, even on earth, for the moral judgment, and we hope, 
improvement of all nations. Public opinion is in this way year- 
ly becoming more pervading among every civilized people, 
more enlightened, and, therefore, with safety and advantage, 
more omnipotent. May it not be hoped that all nations as well 
as our own are thus receiving some stronger impulses towards a 
higher state of refinement, both intellectual and moral ? 

In fine, it is believed that our convictions must strengthen, as 
researches into history and its true philosophy penetrate wider 
and deeper ; that, should the experiment of self-government and 
increased civil freedom fail in this country, where the most 
flattering prospect appears to exist of perfecting far as practica- 
ble the condition of our species, and accomplishing soonest the 
probable though in some degree mysterious end of their creation, 
it requires not the spirit of prophecy to predict that less hope 
exists in favor of the success of such an experiment elsewhere, 
and that any nearer approach to the golden age of equal liberty, 
and the more universal diffusion of moral and religious as well 
as intellectual and political light, must be regarded as reserved 
only'for some Utopia of the imagination, or some miraculous 
millenium of Christianity. 



59 



NOTES 



[Several portions of the preceding Address were omitted in 
the dehvery, from fear of being tedious. A few details were 
originally flung into Notes, which are annexed.] 

A.— Page 7. 

Three or four illustrations of our recent progress on some of these subjects 
may perhaps be usefully noticed. 

COTTON. 

1. — The exports of raw cotton, in 1825, amounted to - 176,500,000 pounds. 
Do in 1835, do . 386,500,000 " 

2. — Raw cotton consumed or manufactured in the United 

States in 1825, amounted to - - - - 50,000,000 " 

Do in 1835, amounted to 100,000,000 

3. — Imports of cotton goods into United States, from all countries, 

in 1825, value - $12,509,516 
Do in 1835, only . 15,367,585 

4. — Exports of cotton goods from United States in 1825, foreign 3,784,692 
Do domestic so small not designated. 

Do in 1835, foreign - 3,697,837 

Do domestic - 2,858,681 

See more in the Tables and Notes on Cotton, submitted by mo to Congress 
■at its last session. 

COAL. 

Quantity of Coal imported into the United States. 
In 1825, bushels, 722,255; value $108,527. 
In 1835, do. 1,679,119 ; do. 143,461. 
The domestic product, though vastly increased, does not prevent the im- 
ports from having nearly doubled in quantity in ten years, though the price 
has sensibly fallen. 



60 

LEAD. 

Statement of the quantity and value of Lead imported into the United States 
during the years ending on the 3Qth September. 1895, and on the SOth Sep- 
tember, 1835. 

Quantity, lbs. Value. 
Year ending 30tli September, 1895, . - 5,867,520 $293,864 

Do. do. 1835, - - 1,006,472 35,663 

The domestic product now supplies almost the whole consumption. 

SALT. 

1. — The siilt manufactured in the United States amounted, in 1830, to above 
three and a half millions of bushels ; two-fifths of which was made in the 
State of New. York. 

2. — Salt made in 1835, about 5,000,000 bushels — the proportion manufac- 
tured in New-York being about the same. 

3. — Quantity imported in 1830, about 5,374,046 bushels ; in 1835, about 

5,375,364 bushels. 

The domestic product now supplies all the increased consumption by our 
additional population, and near half of all the consumption of the whole 
Union. 

These remarks and statistical details on the above and other articles, with 
numerous similar ones, might be largely extended, if space permitted and the 
occasion were suitable. 

B.— Page 8. 

Tiie republication of the Journals of the Old Congress, the printing of the 
Proceedings of the Convention which formed the Constitution, and the col- 
lection and publication of our Diplomatic Correspondence, have done for this 
brancii of history much service. They have been followed, as illustrative of 
a still later period, by the State Papers of Wait, the Executive Senate Jour- 
nals, and the new Documents, as well as excellent arrangement of the old 
ones, both Executive and Legislative, in the compilation ordered by Congress 
a few years since, under the memorial of, and printed by, Messrs. Gales &- 
SeatoH. Much is anticipated from the work, now partly completed by 
Messrs. Force & Clark, illustrating the Documentary History of the Ameri- 
can Revolution. 

C— Page 9. 

The particulars for inquiry would especially include its legislation and 
judiciary, its army and navy, commerce, agriculture, and manufactures, its 
mints, currency and banks, its medals and coins, its hospitals and fine arts, 
its revenues and expenditures, exports and imports, the extent and character 
of all public property, elections and wars, roads and canals, temperatures and 



61 

storms, the most important vegetables and animals, wild or domestic, and the 
national civil improvements and enterprises of every essential character, from 
breakwaters, dry docks, and various public buildings, to the manufacture and 
uniformity of weights and measures, and the advancing survey of our exten- 
sive sea-coasts. More connected with the different States, but still within the 
■scope of our researches, at the centre of them all, would be the character 
and progress of these several subjects among each of them, adding the great 
features in their local occupations and manners, amusements, theatres, and 
fashions, religion and literature, disaasjs and superstitions, pauper systems, 
statistics of crime, marriages, deaths, and population, police, and general 
state of the arts, education, and morals. 

A portion of these inquiries, with other similar ones, and their continuance 
yearly, would afford a most interesting, useful, and ample employment for 
some public department of Government, furnished with power and resources 
to push them widely, and with energy and accuracy. Whether called a 
home department, a domestic one, or one for the interior, would be of less 
importance than the powers conferred, and the talent and industry exclusive- 
ly devoted to it. 

D.-Pdgo 13. 

A small number of the causes of failures in Indian civilization can be 
accurately detected from our histories, and fully exposed for warning and 
correction. 

Sometimes the love of conquest has irritated a jealous race, and defeated all 
prospect of immediate improvement. Sometimes a zeal without knowledge 
has too hastily required their assent to principles of religion and conduct, 
which only a high degree of intelligence could properly appreciate. Some- 
times the cursed thirst for gold has wantonly plunged them into wars. Some- 
times an encroaching spirit for more fertile valL^ys and prairies has goaded 
them into border wars, or vindictive and bloody aggressions and ruin ! Some- 
times, in self-ciofenca, we may have fomented tlieir internal divisions, and 
aggravated their neighbouring jealousies, revenges, and hostilities ! Some- 
times they have refused the useful arts, because more laborious than the 
chase ! Sometimes derided letters, because more enervating and unmanly 
than war ! Sometimes our traders have tempted their appetites for the poi- 
sonous distillations of art, rather than encourage them in agriculture or man- 
ufactures ! Sometimes we have acted without system or principle, and, in 
the festering feelings from savage obstinacy and atrocities, have left almost 
every thing to private cupidity or avarice, and afterwards, by the recoil of the 
spring, resorted to measures more strict and uniform than their undisciplined 
condition rendered at first wise. The true philosophy of their history seems 
to be, that the Indians, if we would do any thing to improve them durably, 
must be more regarded as in a state of pupilage, being, in many respects, but 
children of a larger growth ; as too ignorant for forming many wise institu- 



62 

tiona of their own, and hence properly subject to discreet restraints by us on 
their moral errors as well as political power, through a useful internal police 
and government, prescribed for them in the true spirit and kindness of guar- 
dians rather than of conquerors. Wayward children ! They are also to be 
gradually weaned from the wild habits of the forest and thirst for war, 
animated with new tastes and ambitions, and invested with the individual 
rights of property, and encouraged to the cultivation and acquisition of the 
soil and the arts of civilized life. All this is to be pursued with system and 
perseverance, till the whole native mass becomes changed, and adequate to 
the task of entire and judicious self-government. 

Then, and not till tlien, can they usefully be permitted, encouraged and 
confirmed in the equal and independent exercise of it. 

We must begin to erect the social edifice among them at the foundation, 
and broadly — not at the summit, or, like an inverted pyramid, liable to be 
overturned by every breath of discontent. 

E,— Page 22. 

Some of the Eastern States, beside special school funds, literary funds, and 
large sums voluntarily contributed yearly by individuals for private instruc- 
tion, now raise, by ordinary taxation, an amount equal to near half a dollar 
per head on their whole population. This, in the New England States alone, 
would amount to almost a million of dollars annually, or if adopted in the 
whole Union, to six or seven millions. 

The colleges in our country which confer degrees, without enumerating 
numerous academies, or any inferior schools, private or public, have increased 
to the large number of near 100, with near 7,000 undergraduates. These are 
yearly becoming better adapted to the purposes of genei-al education, and 
most of them less confined than formerly to the mere special advancement in 
any of the learned professions ; wliile others, more exclusively designed for the 
last, have nmllipliod so as to make near 40 theological seminaries, about 25 
medical schools, and 8 or 10 law schools. Many lyceums and institutes of a 
useful character have been added, and the whole course of instruction, within 
a few years, has received a much wider and more practical range. Congress 
has conducted liberally in this respect, as well as about higher seminaries, by 
large grants of valuable lands to most of the new States; and has also made 
wise provision for educating its young officers in the army and navy. How 
much further it will foel authorized to go on these points, in the old States, 
or in aid of the endowments of universities, at the Seat of Government, by 
liberal foreigners for the diffusion of useful knowledge, are questions not ap. 
propriate for discussion on the present occasion. 

F.— Page 31. 

What more ought still to be expected from us, from the spirit of adventure 
to distant regions, resulting from equal rights, liberal enterprise, and just rela- 



63 

tions, more firmly established and more fostered and aided by Gi)veininent ? 
How much moro when our citizens, individually, or by private associations, 
under the guide of their persevering intelligence, have already spread their 
explorations for so many objects of novelty and curiosity, as well as profit, 
over so many regions of the globe, however remote, barbarous, or dangerous ? 
When, beside their whaling from the icebergs of the north to the equator, in 
every sea, they have sought out the seal on many a coral reef; discovered and 
cut sandal wood for China upon one island ; cured for her biche le mer on 
another ; imported pearl-shells from others, for ornamental and useful manu- 
factures ; gathered pepper on the coast of Sumatra ; collected wool in the 
wilds of New-Holland, and furs on the northwest coast ; penetrated the for- 
ests of eastern Africa for India-rubber, to meet the demands for its vastly 
increasing use hero in many of the most important purposes of manufacture 
and social comfort; established commercial relations with a Sultan in the 
Gulf of Arabia and the Red Sea, whose navies are larger and dominions 
wider than those of Solomon in his most palmy days; enabled us to form 
useful treaties with Kings in the farthest East, and to bring homo countless 
' other articles from Asia, Europe, and Africa, calculated to solace, enrich or 
improve the human family. 



